Chidambaram changes his plans : now wants immediate Army Deployment

Chidambaram is a man in an hurry these days ? Looks like the Indian Army will after all be deployed in 2013. Read Analysis of the situation in 2012.

Chidambaram's days as the Home Minister are numbered, in a few months time he could join Kobad Ghandy in Tihar Jail.

That probably explains some of the urgency, he probably want's the Indian Army to babysit his paramilitary troops while he cools his heels in Tihar jail.

Chidambaram floats new plans to fight 'losing battle' against Maoists

India is fighting a losing battle against Naxalism, urgent measures are required to turn the tide, and the attitude of some state chief ministers is not helpful in anti-Maoist operations.

This emerged from a closed-door meeting chaired by Home Minister P. Chidambaram and attended by senior officials of the ministry, the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and heads of central paramilitary forces. Home secretary R.K. Singh was also present at meeting, held in the minister's conference room last week.

Chidambaram was candid in his assessment that states like Orissa, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand were not cooperating in the fight against Naxalism and their chief ministers were not helpful. Even Bihar CM Nitish Kumar had his political compulsions in not taking on the Naxals, the home minister said, expressing his frustration at not being able to get his forces to carry on the anti-Naxal operations effectively.

Ministry sources said that with rising casualties among security forces, fewer men were being deployed for the anti-Maoist operations.

The minister was keen on the idea of bringing in the army in the Naxal-affected areas. He felt that patrolling duties and securing vital installations could be handed over to the army while the paramilitary forces and state police could carry on the operations. While the officials have been told to prepare a note for the cabinet committee on security, it is unlikely that Chidambaram's proposal will get support from Defence Minister A.K. Antony.

Those who were privy to the deliberations said among the suggestions were having a director general (law and order) posted by the MHA to the states for such operations since many state DGPs have cited reservations on certain operations against the Naxals if they are not cleared by the CM.

The idea may stem from having a senior official on the ground to supervise anti-Naxal operations.

But given the resistance from the states to his proposal of a National Counter Terrorism Centre, it is unlikely that Chidambaram's new ideas will find favour from regional satraps in the states.

Source : 

http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/chidambaram-anti-maoist-operations-naxalism/1/189751.html

Om Puri lauds Maoists, calls them fighters

Veteran Bollywood actor Om Puri, who drew flak for his controversial comments against parliamentarians, landed himself in another row by calling naxals "fighters not terrorists".

The 61-year-old actor who is here to shoot for Prakash Jha`s ‘Chakravyuh’, said naxalites were fighters who did not trouble the common man.

Puri said that naxalites kidnapped Sukma district collector, Alex Paul Menon, because he supported the social system against which they are fighting.

"They (naxals) are not terrorists because they don`t resort to irresponsible acts of terror by planting bombs on streets. Naxals are fighters who fight for their rights. They don`t harass the common man and the poor," Puri told reporters here last evening.

It is not for the first time that the actor has landed himself in trouble.

He was slapped with a privilege motion after making derogatory remarks against politicians at Ramlila maidan during Anna Hazare`s campaign for Jan Lokpal in August last year only to apologise later.

Source :
http://zeenews.india.com/entertainment/and-more/om-puri-lauds-naxals-calls-them-fighters_111616.htm

Kabir Kala Manch - Why Are They Underground?

In this video renowned filmmaker Anand Patwardhan, Ratna Pathak Shah, IPS Sudhakar Suradkar and CPI's Prakash Reddy talk about Kabir kala Manch and what their songs mean to them.

Jai Bhim Comrade a documentary film by Anand Patwardhan on the continuing atrocities inflicted on Dalits and on their resistance to this through poetry and music, recently won a National Film Award. On the 19th of April the government of Maharashtra further honoured the National awardees, and Anand Patwardhan received Rs.51,000 for Jai Bhim Comrade.



A different fate is currently being faced by members of the Kabir Kala Manch (KKM) who feature prominently in the film Jai Bhim Comrade. While Deepak Dengle is in prison, many other members including lead singer-poets Sheetal Sathe, Sagar Gorkhe, Ramesh Gaichor and Sachin Mali and a few others have gone underground after threats from the police. All are all charged with being Naxalites and the ATS is using an uncritical media, like the Indian Express, to plant regular allegations against KKM. Even these allegations do not accuse the KKM of any violence, but is dependent on guilt by association.

It is not so long ago that Dr. Binayak Sen was similarly charged and jailed for close to 3 years before the Supreme Court intervened to grant him bail. Binayak Sen had by then become an international cause célèbre. It was hoped that his release on bail would put a brake on the targeting of innocent civilians for the mere "crime" of taking up the cause of the poor.

The attack on KKM shows that this is not the case and consequently many Indian citizens have decided to initiate a Kabir Kala Manch Defense Committee.Anand Patwardhan will donate the Rs.51,000 he received from the government of Maharashtra towards this committee and will be amongst the several speakers at the Press Conference.

Visit http://kabirkalamanch.wordpress.com for updates.

CMAS evicts Savarna colonizers from Tribal lands

The CMAS has ejected Savarna Colonizers from Avarna lands for now, but is this campaign sustainable ?


Odisha: CMAS occupies non-tribal land

More than 500 members of the Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangh (CMAS) on Sunday morning physically occupied land of non-tribal people in Bandhugaon of Koraput district, which they claimed originally belonged to their fathers and forefathers.

The CMAS members ploughed around 45 acres of arable land by hoisting red flags in Kumbhariput near Bandhugaon.

CMAS members and their sympathisers alleged that the non-tribal people had earlier encroached these lands of innocent tribals by offering them liquor.

The tribals marched with traditional weapons and encroached around 20 acres Dhusuraguda village and 12 acres of land in Tikarapada village respectively.

Three days ago, CMAS members had also re-occupied 72 acres of land in village Dasini under Bandhugaon block.

Source:
http://orissadiary.com/CurrentNews.asp?id=33833

29,000 AK-47's procured for Anti-Maoist Operations

AK-47s continue to be the preferred assault weapon for the country's paramilitary forces deployed to neutralise terrorists and Maoists at the frontiers and in the hinterland.

Over 29,000 pieces of this Russian-origin rifle were imported by forces like CRPF, BSF and NSG over the last three years, leaving behind, by a large margin, other sophisticated assault weapons procured from the US and Israel.

The inventory of the assault weapons procured for security forces, including ITBP, CISF and Assam Rifles, during 2010-2013 show that while 29,260 pieces of the 'AK' series were procured, only 17,609 units of other weapons in this category like X-95 and SIG were imported.

While the Central Reserve Police Force, deployed extensively in the country for anti-Naxal operations procured 18,000 AK-47s, the Central Industrial Security Force guarding Indian airports got 7,921 pieces and the Sashastra Seema Bal securing borders along Nepal and Bhutan got 2,719 units.

The Sino-India border guarding force Indo-Tibetan Border Police procured 620 pieces of these 'Avtomat Kalashnikova' (AK) rifles.

"The AK series rifles are still the best in terms of use and adaptability for Indian security forces personnel. Be it any domain of combat operations like anti-Maoist or counter-terror operations, this weapon has delivered good results," a senior security official said.

With the advent of new technology and new dynamics of combat, the country's security establishment has also imported other modern variants of assault rifles.

So while the CRPF got 6,382 pieces of X-95 for its troops in Maoist operations, the elite National Security Guard (NSG) got 675 pieces of the Swiss-make SIG assault rifles.

X-95 

"There have not been many assault weapons that suit the Indian conditions and the forces. Also, the role of the internal security forces is essentially to combat and not assault. So, a specialist counter-terror force like NSG also uses sub-machine guns like MP5 and Glock pistols for fighting from close quarters," a NSG official explained.



The security forces, through the Union Home Ministry, procured the AK-47s from Bulgaria while the X-95s are procured from Israel.

Among the other weapons that these forces procured during the same fiscals are MP-5 guns from Heckler and Koch (Germany), Carbine machine guns (Storm) from Beretta (Italy) and Glock Pistols from Hong Kong and Austria.

Source : http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/over-29-000-ak-47s-procured-for-paramilitary-forces-213293

Related News


CRPF gets Israeli Assault Rifles to combat Maoists 

http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/crpf-gets-israeli-made-assault-rifles-to-fight-maoists/1/158962.html

Rs 8,500 cr for roads in Maoist Districts approved

US$ 2 Billion package for connecting 6,000 habitations in 78 Maoist-hit districts.

The Centre has initiated the process to connect all tribal habitations and villages in border districts with roads under the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY).

The Union Cabinet, at a meeting on Thursday, also approved a Rs. 8,500-crore special package for connecting 6,000 habitations in 78 Left wing extremist-affected districts and entrusted the Union Ministry of Rural Development with the job of preparing the estimates for the two projects.

Panchayati Raj and Tribal Affairs Minister Kishore Chandra Deo underlined the problems of the tribals who lived in scattered habitations of less than 250 people, and hence were still deprived of road connectivity.

The Cabinet directed Rural Development Minister Jairam Ramesh to conduct a survey to establish the number of such habitations in all the Schedule V areas that needed to be covered, and prepare the estimate for taking a final decision on extending this basic facility to the tribals living in remote forests and hills.

Similarly, the Cabinet was sympathetic to the problems of the people residing in villages in border areas that Union Road Transport and Highways Minister C.P. Joshi batted for. The Ministry of Rural Development will study all the 362 border blocks located along Pakistan, China, Nepal, Bangladesh and Myanmar.

Mr. Ramesh has ordered a survey to establish the number of villages under the two categories, and the money that would be required to construct roads under the PMGSY, the allocation for which has been raised to Rs. 24,000 crore for the current financial year.

To cope with the problem being faced by over six States, which have completed their PMGSY targets, the Ministry of Rural Development is evolving new guidelines to put PMGSY II in place, to provide them funds which have, obviously, been stopped.

The Ministry of Rural Development intends to address the concerns of Andhra Pradesh, Haryana, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Nagaland and Rajasthan, by allowing upgradation of rural roads on a cost-sharing basis. While the Centre favours a 50:50 sharing arrangement, the States were willing to meet 25 per cent of the expenditure, and want the Centre to foot the remaining 75 per cent of the cost.

In contrast, Bihar was allocated funds after a gap of two-and-a-half years, after resolving the irritants that had stalled the sanction of projects and resources. In the first tranche, Rs 915 crore has been provided for construction of 1,900 km of roads in seven LWE districts of Aurangabad, Gaya, Jehanabad, Arwal, Jamui, Rohtas and Nawada.

For the remaining 31 districts, the Ministry is likely to sanction the proposals received for constructing 1,350 roads and 96 bridges, totalling 3,840 kms, at an estimated cost of Rs. 2,440 crore.

Accepting Mr. Ramesh's rider, no Central agency will be engaged in the construction of rural roads. Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has agreed to appoint engineers to strengthen the State rural roads works department.

Source :
http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2012-05-18/news/31765599_1_maoist-hit-rural-roads-naxal-hit-districts

India's Anti-Maoist Campaign - Defence Report

India’s Anti-Maoist campaign faces training deficiencies, threatens Army strength 

By Jonathan Dowdall, Brussels, Belgium – 4 May 2012

A programme of planned offensives waged by India’s Maoist insurgents, including the 23 April high-profile kidnapping of a senior government official, are increasingly overwhelming India’s under-trained and under-equipped security forces.

“Overall, the situation is grim due to systemic failures in training and procurement for these forces,” Medha Chaturvedi, a Research Officer at the New Delhi-based Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, (IPCS) told DefenceReport.

Between 10 thousand and 40 thousand armed cadres operated by the loosely organised Communist groups, known as “Naxalites,” currently oppose New Delhi rule. They are often supported by local political and militia forces and are estimated to directly govern an area equivalent to 40 thousand square kilometres (25 thousand square miles).

According to official figures, fighting between Naxalite guerrillas and state security forces has killed at least four thousand people since 2007. In the same time period, almost 10 thousand attacks were attributed to Naxalite activity.

That campaign has also focused on assassinating government officials.

The 28 April killing of a district official in the central Indian region of Telangana has led police officials to issue a directive warning all government officials and public representatives to avoid travelling through Naxalite territory.

With the Indian Army recently being called on to back-stop hard pressed police units, sources say the anti-Naxalite struggle also threatens to drain the military preparedness of the world’s largest all-volunteer army.

Regional analysts like Medha Chaturvedi describe the dense jungles of the Eastern Indian States as being an accelerant to insurgency, allowing Naxalite forces to operate with impunity despite the deployment of up to 50 thousand security personnel to oppose them.

Successful anti-Naxal operations in these states, they say, have been few – in between periods of Maoist domination.

Tackling the Maoist insurgency is the task of paramilitary formations such as the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF). Augmented by local state units, the CRPF regularly undertakes operations against Naxalite C2 (command and control), conducting search and destroy missions deep in jungle territory.

Counter-Maoist expert Varun Vira calls these operations a “military centric response.” They are supported by military hardware such as drones and helicopters and span wide areas. During 2009 and 2010’s Operation Green Hunt in Chhattisgarh state, some 20 thousand troops participated.

Yet, these forces lack the expertise to effectively locate and destroy Naxalite fighters.

“The biggest threat is the number of vacancies for trained counter insurgency operations personnel,” Chaturvedi explained. Lacking advanced operational expertise, CRPF and other local formations are often ill-suited for coordinated jungle operations.

This is not for lack of equipment. The Indian Homeland Security budget for 2012 is an estimated USD 12 billion (GBP 7.4 billion), with the fight against Naxal-terrorism assigned USD 1.5 billion (GBP 1 billion).

An Indian defence sector source also confirmed to DefenceReport that Indian paramilitary forces have recently purchased at least six military mine resistant ambush protected (MRAP) vehicles this year – the first order of its kind and a significant capability boost to Indian counter-insurgents.

However, such resources are under-utilised due to a lack of training.

A former senior ranking officer in the Indian Army also told DefenceReport that there are critical skill gaps within anti-Naxalite forces.

There are gaps in training when it comes to applying force against hostile armed opponents, and with respect to handling communications and identifying and avoiding Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs), the former officer explained.

When contacted by DefenceRport, the CRFP declined to comment on its training schemes in Eastern India.

Penetrating the Maoist jungle

In response to these challenges, the Indian Army has been called upon to back-up overwhelmed local forces.

According to an early April report published by Delhi’s Asian Age, the Indian Government has for the first time deployed Indian Army personnel to run a jungle warfare training school in the heart of Naxal-contested territory.

The Indian armed forces, which have an estimated USD 41 billion (GBP 25.5 billion) annual defence budget, are logically placed to counter the anti-Naxalite campaign.

However, there has recently been reason to doubt the effectiveness of such military support.

Local media reported that, in January 2012, a combined-arm seek and destroy operation by Indian Army Heron UAVs and MI-17 helicopter mounted forces in the Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh almost ended in disaster, when previously undetected Maoists nearly downed the assault team.

According to military sources, the cause of the scare relates to the inability of the Heron UAV’s infra-red synthetic aperture radar to penetrate the thick jungle foliage of the Naxalite territory. The Indian Army recently announced plans to purchase an additional 50 of the Israeli made drones, at a cost of USD 220 million (GBP 136 million), to augment its existing fleet of 12.

Paramilitary forces are also accused of using excessive force during anti-Naxal operations.

Maoist sources in Chhattisgarh state say paramilitary forces undertook widespread looting during March 2012’s “Operation Haka” and detained civilians without trial. DefenceReport was unable to reach Chattisgarh state officials for comment on these reports.

Indian Army’s real internal security challenge

Naxalites are operating in some of the world’s most impoverished and politically disenfranchised geographic regions. According to a 2009 Economist report, in the Naxalite-held Dantewada district, 1,161 villages have no medical facilities and 214 have no primary school while the average literacy rate is lower than 20 percent.

This, experts say, has given the Maoist insurgency a socio-economic motivation.

In addition, large amounts of the Government’s USD 27 billion (GBP 17 billion) employment and socio-economic support dispatched from New Delhi is misappropriated at the state and district levels.

This, say experts, only serves to reinforce the Naxalite’s violent methods and its broader anti-government message.

It is a political situation that has only served to complicate any potential strategic solution to India’s internal security issues.

Additionally, as that strategic burden increases, Indian Army troops will not have counter-insurgency training to fall back on anytime soon, adding further cause for concern over the nation’s internal security strategy – a weakness many would agree it shares with its regional neighbours.

Source : 
http://defencereport.com/indias-anti-maoist-campaign-faces-training-deficiencies-threatens-army-strength/

The Jhina Hikaka Abduction Story - NDTV

Season III of Truth vs Hype begins with an exclusive investigation into the abduction of Jhina Hikaka, the tribal MLA from Odisha's backward and Naxal - affected Koraput district.

Was Hikaka abducted so that the Naxals could free their colleagues, or did a secret deal go wrong between Odisha's ruling party and a group described as a Maoist front organisation? From his mountain hideout, one of Odisha's most wanted outlaw's confirms the explosive truth behind the shaming of an elected MLA.

The video includes an interview with Nachika Linga, the former bonded labourer who has now emerged as the leader of the Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangh. 

Watch the Video on the NDTV Website

http://www.ndtv.com/video/player/truth-vs-hype/truth-vs-hype-jhina-hikaka-the-inside-story-of-an-abduction/231392

History of Maoist Abductions in India

By K. SRINIVAS REDDY


Prolonged captivity of hostages & perceived helplessness of government have adverse impact on psyche of society

Maoists may be patting themselves on their back for forcing the Chhattisgarh and Odisha governments to give into their demands in exchange for those abducted by them, but kidnap as a tool of revolutionary warfare could prove to be counter-productive to them.

The prolonged captivity of hostages and the perceived helplessness of the government, which fears for the safety of the hostages, have an adverse impact on the psyche of society.

Typical is the societal response to the hostage crisis recently witnessed in Chhattisgarh and Odisha.

Barring a vociferous intelligentsia, civil rights activists and select representatives of political and bureaucratic circles of the States concerned, the other sections of society have not reacted to the evolving crisis.

‘Silent sanction'

The Andhra Pradesh experience, however, shows this silence often metamorphoses into a ‘silent sanction' being accorded to the State for all the extra-judicial acts it commits while trying to toughen its stand against the hostage-takers subsequently.

It is this ‘silent sanction' that emboldens the security forces to resort to actions beyond what they are expected to do. And they get away with it too.

The case of Andhra Pradesh would perhaps be the best example of how kidnap as a strategy is a failed experiment for Naxalites. The State witnessed many abductions in the late 1980s and early 1990s.

The demands made after such rampant abductions could broadly be categorised into: release of arrested or convicted cadres; production of missing cadres (believed to have been killed or arrested by police); permission for public meetings and construction of demolished ‘stupams' (monuments).

First kidnap in A.P.

The first kidnap in Andhra Pradesh was reported on September 6, 1984, when Naxals took away a senior revenue official at Addateegala of East Godavari district and demanded the release of Perumalla Devudu, a central organiser.

A panicked government conceded the demand and the official was set free the next day. Then came the historic kidnap of seven IAS officers in Gurtedu of the same district on December 27, 1987.

Immense pressure

The abduction of senior bureaucrats led to immense pressure on the government, which was forced to concede the demand of releasing of jailed Naxalites, including Wadkapur Chandramouli, then a division committee secretary, who later rose to be a member of polit bureau. (He was later killed in 2006).

With civil liberties leader K.G. Kannabiran holding negotiations, the hostages were released only after the jailed Naxal leaders were handed over to them.

So intense was the pressure on the government that it had not allowed the NSG commandos despatched by the Centre to take any action to free the hostages.

In 1989

Though there was a lull for the next two years, abductions began in 1989 again, due to an unstable political scenario as the NTR government was to face elections.

In June 1989, a mandal parishad president Malhar Rao was abducted and shot dead when the government failed to produce two missing Naxalites — Gopagani Ilaiah and Burra Ramulu.

Then came the liberal period during the chief ministership of M. Channa Reddy and kidnaps continued. The most notable was that of legislator P. Sudhir Kumar after a daring raid on his house in the centre of Hyderabad.

A stunned government had no other go but to release senior most leader Nemaluri Bhaskara Rao and two others in exchange for Sudhir Kumar.

In 1993, tribal legislator P. Balarau and IAS officer Srinivasulu were abducted in the Visakhapatnam agency area and a Naxal leader Kranti Ranadeo was released in exchange. The Naxal leadership indeed revelled in the successes and even justified the ‘kidnap' tactic and termed it a form of struggle.

As kidnaps continued, society had more or less viewed it as a problem concerning the ruling party, the police and Naxalites, but never intervened. Vexed with the soft attitude of the governments, the police did act on their own in August 1989.

When two policemen were abducted in Karimnagar, the police responded by organising the counter-kidnap of civil rights activist Balagopal by a supposedly civil vigilante group — ‘Praja Bandhu.' Naxalites released the constables and Balagopal too was let off.

Dangerous fallout

The most dangerous fallout of the overuse of this tactic was to be felt after the Congress government proscribed the People's War Group on May 20, 1992.

The police forces let loose a reign of terror and there was not even a murmur of protest from people even when those arrested were shot dead in full public view in what came to be known as ‘encounters.'

Peculiar was the societal response to the police behaviour. While there was no protest against any ‘encounter killings' of people believed to be Naxalites, people turned up in thousands and even attacked police stations whenever there were custodial deaths in which innocent people were tortured to death.

Perhaps, by observing this dichotomous trend, Maoists had then announced that they indeed erred in treating kidnap as a tactic and even considering it as a form of struggle. Will history repeat itself now in Central India? It remains to be seen.

Source :

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article3391025.ece

Tribals killed by Special Police Officers in Singram, Chhattisgarh

In Singaram village of Dantewada Chhattisgarh 19 innocent tribal were murdered by State appointed SPO's. The motive behind killings was to clear the land for mining corporations. The Vanvasi Chetna Ashram took the case to Chhattisgarh High Court, but has received no justice so far, instead it's office was bulldozed under CRPF supervision by the Government of Chhattisgarh.  

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XZzhVurwnD0

On 8th January 2009, the Salwa Judum and police gunned down 19 villagers in Chhattisgarh claiming they were Naxals. Here is the villagers account of what happened. Kopa Kunjum, a tribal activist who brought this story to the fore was arrested on false charges of murder later that year.

With English Subtitles



http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0inAy1DvxVo

Related Links 

http://kopakunjam.wordpress.com/

http://www.tehelka.com/story_main50.asp?filename=Ws300911Chhattisgarh.asp

PMRDF-TISS inaugural function - Jairam Ramesh Speech

Union Minister for Rural Development Mr Jairam Ramesh elaborates on the GOI's strategy to win the hearts and minds of the rural population at the inaugural function of the PMRDF.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NWeBJxDpTOw

Related Videos

PMRDF-Speech of Shri Montek Singh Ahluwalia, Hon'ble deputy Chairman Planning Commission
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E68yt0th-QE

PMRDF program Shri V. Kishore Chandra Deo, Hon'ble minister for PR & Tribal Affairs
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rRVJq5Icmmo

Piercing the Veil of Illusion

By: RAMA BIJAPURKAR

It is time to let social scientists take the floor to understand the many maladies afflicting India

India has a deeply entrenched knowledge caste system. ‘Science’ is superior to ‘arts’, ‘quantitative’ better than ‘qualitative’; oncology and computer science will benefit the country more than sociology or psychology. Economics is superior to other ‘arts’ because it is quantitative.

Consequently even the most pressing problems of national character and society and polity are sought to be solved by technofixes or higher GDP growth rate or understood by some set of quantitative indicators like vote shares or infrastructure outlay or poverty statistics using different measures.

Seriously addressing such problems, however, requires rising above the caste system and getting social science disciplines to urgently work on them, or else they will rot the foundations of the country. We need them to urgently put into the public discourse a deep understanding of the real nature of social problems our country is facing, their inter-linkages, seriousness, and possible solution spaces. Citizens need to think about these from their respective vantage points.
Social scientists already working on them must be given wider platforms that will amplify their messages. As one prominent business media person said reflectively at a function of the Bombay School of Sociology, “I have had several socialites and socialists on our channel but never really had a sociologist on it”.

A few worrisome things are happening. The “if I have a hammer, everything is a nail” school of problem-solving must stop. The techno brigade believes that it can end poverty, identity politics and corruption with one technofix. The innovation brigade feel that they can solve unemployment, income inequality, and promote an economic powerhouse with support to commercialise innovation; and the corporate brigade feel that they can solve everything with market friendly economic reform, stimulating the consumption-investment cycle. As a housewife once said in a group discussion on health, “I know where to go if I have a problem with my heart or bones or stomach. But I really don’t know where to go when I am just not feeling well.” Who do we turn to when our country is just not feeling well?

Perhaps it is the changes in values that drive our thought and action which need to be understood, perhaps different institutions we have are working with different dominant logic and hence pulling in different directions, perhaps we are looking through the economy lens rather than through the lenses of society, people or national character at all our social problems and hence are not being able to solve them. We need to urgently seek out those who can discuss these issues in a conceptually sound, intellectually disciplined and broad based way and tell us what ails us as a people, a nation, a society, in our hearts and minds and lives. This is not a job that can be done by journalists, many of who bring brilliant abilities to synthesise but limited conceptual depth to such issues or by business leaders with unidimensional perspectives.

This isn’t even a job that can be done any more by our politicians at the Centre who are typically ‘one constituency as stock option’ members of the family firm, and not people who have had a whole lot of grassroots experience and therefore, a well developed understanding and ability to read what aam janta is thinking and feeling. Elections for them are about mergers and alliances and about SMS messages and use of social media.

More worrisome is the veil of maya or illusion that is making a lot of things appear misleadingly different. It appears that we have a strong watchdog media that improves governance in politics and business. But is it well governed itself and not above partisan behaviour for certain considerations? This has never been studied and merits further and fuller debate not of ferocity but of depth.

Another forgiveable illusion is that we have made progress from the days when we our society was poor, unscientific and riddled with socially backward practices.

However we need to investigate, in a conceptually rigorous fashion, whether this istrue. The human sacrifice to appease Gods has given way to new forms of human sacrifices to appease media and the public — high profile jailing of bureaucrats or ministers, matter closed. Village panchayats are designed for balance, with various voices having to be represented, but not many modern institutions practice this. Having regulators is another illusion of progress. Do they serve their political masters or customers? How are they appointed and held accountable?

A board majority for independent directors is another maya. Many of them have not explicitly examined their role and position on trading off misdemeanours by management against superior profit delivery.

The kangaroo courts of the Maoists do have to be viewed and understood in terms of their similarity or difference with the lynch mob mentality of the media. Cronyism and patronage are back with a bang, but now cloaked in the veil of ‘performance’ but without parameters of what performance entitles one to what rewards.

Minority appeasement is back, but in an ad hoc way without the visible systemic rules that governed it earlier. We need to understand ourselves a lot better and deeper, our crisis of values perhaps, our morphing national character. We need to understand society, aspirations, anger, our ticking time bombs. And we need to give the floor to our social scientists ASAP.

source :
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/opinion/comments-analysis/time-to-let-social-scientists-take-the-floor-to-understand-the-maladies-afflicting-india/articleshow/12930597.cms