Commemorating the 20th anniversary of the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India which was formed in August 1988.(C.C.R.I.)-A Tribute to Comrades Harbhajan Sohi and Anand.
About the Author
From various issues of the Journal' The Comrade' The author in the late 1980's and early 1990 was a sympathizer and activist of groups like Chandra Pula Reddy and Red Flag Groups,participating in their mass programmes .However he was not in touch with anyone from the Erstwhile U.C.C.R.I.M.l (touch only with Muktigami section in Mumbai)or C.C.RI.groups.He compiled this information from literature available.The author has compiled these notes on his own initiative and not asked by any individual or written it on behalf of any organization.(He was not a supporter of the C.C.R.I
This is a compilation of articles taken from the journal ‘TheComrade’ of the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India.It is written in tribute to the heroic struggle waged first by Harbhajan Sohi from from 1978 to he heroic struggle waged by Comrade Anand within the U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)It was one of the most principled and tortuous struggles ever undertaken in the Indian Maoist Movement.’particularly the lattr one by Anand.Resisting all the criticism opf the then Muktigami group he created anew organisaton wih Com.Harbhajan Sohi.It reminded one of the tenacity of Comrades like Mao who fought or the correct line.This organization lay he theoreticakl base of the later C.P.R.C.I.(M.L) which today palys major heoretical ole in the Indian Maoist movement.On the International level this trend rejects the erroneous trend of ‘Maoism ‘ ibnplace of Mao Tse Tung Thought and at the internal level struggles to develop a mass agrarian revolutionary line,even if it has not yet developed a mass line yet.Historically thje C.C.R.I.ost it’s base I Bihar where attempt at mass line struggle was carriedout in the Northrn egions.
It was tragic that in Andhra Pradesh the organization was prevented from even circulating their document within he organsiation and thus wre prevented fro wining mass sections.(thae laer meged into Janashakti)The author admirs the tenacity of Comradesof the Srikakulam Giriajn Sanham who implemented a tortuous struggle to fight the wong trends of the then Peoles War Group and he rightist groups like New DEMIOCRACY Etc.
The Center of Communist Revolutinaries of India also displayed outstanding polemical understanding on the handling of mass organizations. the nationality question and the correct work method within the trade Union Movement.On the trade Union front significant work was implementedin West Bengal whee solidarity movements were built up for worker’s struggles.An effort was made to establish atrevolutinary Unity working calss co-ordination Centre.
In Punjab superb o-ordination was made with the Central Team of the C.P.I.(.M.L)a base was made for the re-organization of he landless peasants movement and he landed peasants movement. In the period of the Khalistani Movement the U.C.C.R.I.(M.L) Nagi Reddy Group(later became C.C.R.I. after merging with the Revolutionary Communist Party of India led by Takra in Punjab ) in Punjab displayed outstanding theoretical clarity .It led outstanding examples of mass revolutionary resistance and building of mass line.(One of the most outstanding examples in the history of the Communist Movement in India)
True there were weaknesses like not making a thorough study of the Maoist and Stalinst eras..No criticism was made of he Maoist personality cult(particularly carried out by Lin Biao) nor the excessesof the Stalin eraA mass military line was also not developed even if strong attempts were made.This was particularly relevant where strong movementsof tribals and peasants were developed .Eg.Bihar,Orissa or Andhra Pradesh.
It was the documents written by Comrade Anand in 1988 which was condemned by the Muktigami Group publicly which denounced Comrade Anand as a renegade. Anand’s major struggle started from 1986 during the movement against he Baliapal missile base. (One sided emphasis given by U.C.C.RI. against Soviet Social Imperialism.O n February 2nd 1988 he had sent his alternative draft programmes, path and constitution. On February 20 th 1988 he presented his historic document addressed to all he leading Commitees.Earlier he had participated in a state representative’s meeting under protest.On February 29th 1988 he finally gave a call to resist the bureaucratic methods and form a new organization. Earlier he had protested against he stand of the U.C.R.R I. upholding participation in election in and 1982.He also opposed the revisionist 3 worlds theory in that time.For along time he kept organisatonal relations with Comrade Harbahjan Sohi of Punjab.
Ido not uphold the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India or the earlier U.C.C.R.I.(M.l) as necessary proponents of the mass revolutionary line or implementing mass line in totality. One can question whether armed struggle could have been developed in areas like Bihar,Andhra Pradesh,Dandkaranya.Orissa Etc. However even if not totally agreeing with the deferring of armed Struggle,the author sees a very valid contribution and theoretical.point made by organizations following The Nagi Reddy Line like first The Unity Centre of Comunist Revolutionaries of India an subsequently the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India(C.C R.I)The stand on elections and on he relationship of mass organization s with the party are of immense importance. Toady although the C.P.I(Maoist)is the greatest revolutionary force it's line is vitiated by left sectarian deviations and its military line is defective in relation to protracted Path of Peoples War.It rejects all organizations That do not carry out armed struggle as revisionist.
They are possibly right with regards to Liberation, New Democracy or Kanu Sanyal Group's of the C.P.I(M.L) but are not correct in terming the former Tarimala Nagi Reddy line upholders(U.C.C.R.I) as revisionist or the later line of The C.C.R.I or the current C.P.R.C.I.(M.L) Ultimately the C.C.R.I. merged with he M.L.OC.,the C.U.C.I and the C.T of the C.P.I(M.L) to form the C.P.R.C.I.(M.l)inAugust 1994.It played a great role in the formation of that organization playing the role of a blilateral link(mediating centre) with all the 3 groups.This trend advocates the deferring of armed struggle in the present context.The Unification of the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L) was the result of a principled and sustained ideological and political dialogue between the C.C.R.I. and the 3 other groups and subsequently among all 4 of them.It was the C.C.R.I that stood as the common link which prepared the ground for the multilateral unity tal;ks tat eventually led to he formation of the new organization.
It would be useful to study the pre-armed struggle phase I China and what led to the Autumn Harvest Uprising in 1927.True there were peasant struggles in Bihar, Orissa ,Dandkaranay and Andhra Pradesh but the question was whether he situation was mature enough to carry out armed struggle to defend the partial gains.(Such a situation did not take place in Punjab)
Significance of struggle for the correct line that developed within the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India founded by Tarimala Nagi Reddy and Devulupali Venkareshwara Rao.The year 1977 was a turning point inn the line of several Communist revolutionary groups like the C.P.I.(M.L)Liberation Group,or the Group led by Chandra Pula Reddy.iN 1977 Participation in elections within the Parliamentary democratic process as atactical ploy was used or he first time. A major struggle broke out within the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India on this point.In 1977 it was the Chandra Pulla Reddy –SatyaNarayan Singh group that used this tactic for the first time in the state of Andhra Pradesh.It is fascinating that in later history 2 factions that branched out of the original organization upheld participation in [parliamentary elections like he Devulapali Venkatsehwara RAo Group and he Manam Rama Rao led Group(Muktigami).
Another significant event was the Introduction of the 3 worlds theory by the Hua Guoafeng led Chinese communist Party in August 1977..In this theory it was advocated that the 2nd World Countries eg. England, West Germany, France Etc were allies against the 2 superpowers in he International Struggle. The view also promoted that Soviet Social Imperialism was more dangerous than U.S.Imperialism and thus was a greater danger as a superpower.Many groups in the revolutionary camp upheld this view including the Peoples War Group. Within the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries(M.L) a major 2-line Struggle emerged combating this line which was revisionist in their opinion.2 organizations even split away from the original organization combating he 3 worlds theory line In 1September 1979 the first major split took place within the organization ,which was undertaken by Harbhajan Sohi.
Within the original U.C.C.R.I.(M.L) a similar struggle was adopted by a section led by Comrdae Anand who questioned and struggled against he line from he early 1980's.In 1988 Comrade Anand left he organization after presenting his alternative draft and path programme(1987-1988).By the early 1980's the D.V group also split away on grounds of upholding The post 1978 regime of Deng Xiaoping socialist.Ultimately Comrade Anand 's section and Harbhajan Sohi's section united with 3 other groups to form the Centre of Communist revolutionaries of India.The R.C.P.I led by Takra, the R.C group led by Chandrasekar and the O.C.C.P.I.(M.L)led by Raghubir also merged into the C.C.R.I.
The organization felt that the disunity trend was strong within the revolutionary camp and groups were working within their own fold. It charted out the following Unity programme
a.With groups agreeing on the line in theory and practice immediate unity talks would be carried out.
b.With groups having important differences but basically reflecting the implemenatation of the proletarian revolutionary trend a liason would be established and mutual –exchange and co-peration would be facilitated for the important differences to be resolved.
c.For groups who have strong similarities of line on certain aspects but whose line is vitiated by the chief opportunist trends of the day ,efforts would be made to extricate such groups from he influence of deviationist trends.Unity would take place at the level of mass organsiations.
d.Some groups have already capitulated to revisionism and have left the revolutionary camp for the time being. Utmost effort must be made to win ovr progressive sections from such groups.
e. Cadres could be won over from revisionist parties like C.P.I. or C.P.M.
In this compilation of articles I am placing some important theoretical notes with significance to he development of the mass line and some practical struggles in the same light The genesis of this was the struggle originally led by Comrade Nagi Reddy and D.V,to eventually form the U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)They led a major 2 line Struggle combating the Charu Mazumdar Line.From 1977 the major struggle advocated was that against right opportunism first wihin the organization and then in the revolutionary camp a whole. After 1977 the greatest exponent of the mass line Struggle within the organization on the practical plane was the Punjab U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)Nagi Reddy Group led by Harbhajan Sohi.It was under his application of the Nagi Reddy line that the mass movement of the Punjab Students Union and he Naujavan Bharat Sabha was built and later the mass revolutionary resistance to the Khalistan and State terrorism.No doubt a significant Struggle was launched .In Andhra Pradesh the section led by Comrade Anand made great effort in conducting 2 line struggle for achieving revolutionary mass line It set he base of building of the mass line in the tribal region of Malkangiri in Orissa.(A huge mass movement today)A breakaway group from the original U.C.C.R.I.(M.L) Group in 1977 led by Comrade Ramalingachari(Srikakulam Girijan Sangham Leader) joined the C.C.R.I. Infact , the sections led by Manam Rama Rao merged into the Janashakti (merging with the K.Ramchandran led Resistance Group Etc.) 1992 but later that organization split into 7 group
1.Genesis of the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India
The turning point I Andhra Pradesh was the rejection of the C.P.M's central committee ideological draft by a majority vote. The Communist Revolutionaries organized the ideological debate utilisng certain advantageous conditions. The State plenum adopted a detailed resolution with 158/231 supporting it.Comrade T.N and Chandra Pulla Reddy were the architects of the resolution.Thhe C.P.M leadership earlier evaded the ideological debate in 1964 at the same time there were various points of view reflected in the 1964 Calcutta Congress.In June 1966 they presented a note to the C.C but later discouraged this by allowing the state committees to publish only'the authoritative pronouncements of fraternal parties./'The 1967 documents of the C.P.M adopted neo-revisionist postions.
The C.R's of A.P. organized themselves into a secret organization by March 1968.Thhey organized similar committees below. Which conducted the anti neo-revisionst struggle,o rganizationally consolidating the forces that rallied with the revolutionary politics and guiding the peoples movement with the aim of revolution.
However the internal struggle against neo revisionism at the all –India level lacked any co-ordination and centralized leadership. There were several different types of approaches.
On November 13th 1967,under the leadership of Comrade Charu Mazumdar the All India Co-ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries of India was formed.
a.develop and co-ordinate militant struggles at all levels ,especially peasant struggles.of Naxalbari Type
b.develop militant struggles of the working class
c.wage ideological struggle against revisionism and popularize Mao Tes Tung Thought.d.To develop a revolutionary programme.ona correct tactical line.
On May 14th 1968 the A.I.C.C.R came out with a declaration claiming that all those revolutionaries still in the C.P.M must be disqualified from consideration, and all those who still think there is scope for inter-party struggle must be condemned. Interestingly the organ Liberation refuted this stating that avenues had to be allowed for differences and that it was premature to rule out such comrades .Interestingly, although from the beginning ,the AI.C.C.R.leadership showed trends of left adventurism,the Andhra Comrades under the banner of the Andhra Pradesh Co-ordination Committee met them and even joined them.This took place in November 1968.Earlier in June 1968 the CR's of A.P formally broke away.comrade T.N was the convenor.In August of that year the A.I C.C R had formed a Naxalbari Solidarity Committee and wee carrying a slanderous campaign against the A.P.C.C.C.R.,propogating that the Andhra Comrades were revisionsists.
In the final analysis 3 major differences came out.
a.the left adventurist A.I.C.C.R. line viewed the struggle against neo revisionism as a task of only organizing the top leaders or the most advanced elements of the C.P.M.The A.P.C.C.C.R felt thee was need of organizing the entire party ranks.
b.The A.I.C.C.C.R negated the mass line and exhibited romantic and petit bourgeois tendencies when they propogated armed struggle with no relation to the people's consciousness.The concept of 'annihilation of the class enemies' was propogated.
The A.P.C.C.C.R stressed that a mass agrarian revolutionary Movement should be built up propagating the concept of agrarian revolution and relating it to the land question. They also stressed on implementing the mass revolutionary line of the Telengana Armed Struggle. It also questioned AI.C.C.C.R's understanding of the area of Srikakulam becoming a liberated base area. Encircled by a well –knit transport and communication system thee was a long way to develop it into a liberated base area. Simultaneously they propagated that there were vast potential areas where armed struggle could be developed. and a strategic planning was required.
c. A.P.C.C.C.R propagated the need of building necessary forms of struggle and organization.and the need to combine mass form sof struggle with armed struggle.The A.I.C.C.C.R.totally neglected this aspect.
d. A.P.C.C.C.R opposed the line of 'Boycott of parliamentary Elections' as a strategic path.' Elections was a question of tactics and one of the several llegal forms of struggle. In an Interview with Blitz Comrade T.N stated 'Revolutionaries take part in the elections and legislative bodies to expose their fraudulent character and convince the masses of the revolutionary path.T.N told Swedish Journalists 'WE can go in for armed struggle in a really a large area and still sit in parliament in other areas when armed struggle is not going on'. Comrade T.N went on to make a most significant statement in an interview with Swedish Journalists: The difficulties are of course our own mistakes during the last 16 years, which have naturally led to condition of disorganization.
To be frank we are not organized in the way we ought to be if we are to function in a revolutionary way. We have created an illusion among the people about parliamentary action, organized the communist party's machinery in a parliamentary way . The old unselfish tendency has gone to waste ,the old hard work has vanished. We must re-build.T hat is the greatest difficulty." If we had been carrying on the working class Struggles in the revolutionary way during these 16 years ,we could probably also have used the parliament, ven if agrarian revolution was taking place in other areas. India has many different organizational revolutionary requirements. As for the future we must wait and see how things develop, how successful is our organisation's work and how effective is the co-ordination of all these struggles. Then we must consider the various tactical possibilities open to us.
After the break fro the C.P.M. the A.P.C.C.R sent cadre and leadership to the forest area of Andhra Pradesh in Khammam, Warangal, Karimnagar, and East Godavri districts. Although people were being organized in mass struggles on economic demands in Khammam, Warangal and Karimnagar areas,in other areas activity was still at the level of propoganda.In Eat Godavri area particularly god work was done. However ,overall,there was a long tortuous road ahead in developing a consistent and extensive agrarian revolutionary Movement.
The Andhra Pradesh Communist Revolutionaries stood in the forefront of combating left opportunism. These were the main differences between them and the Srikakula District Committee(D.C.) which follwed Charu Mazumdar and the A.I.C.C.C.R.
a. The first one was over the question of carrying out armed struggle with relation to land.The district Committee believed that mass land struggle was not needed .
b. Secondly the D.C belived that actions of armed squads would mobilize the broad masses.
c .Thirdly,the D.C rejected the idea of of advanced training in guerilla war and proposed that in he course of battle all warfare would be learnt.
d.Fourthly the D.C believed that only armed struggle was necessary.
Comrade T.N in an interview explained 3 important points
a..That Armed Struggle starts only as resistance to landlord goondas and govt.repression This resistance will be in the form of peoples mass resistance. However the C.P.I.M.L rejected this and resorted to isolated squad actions.
b.In T.N's view Peoples War starts only as a form of resistance ,not as an offensiveTHe C.P.I.M.L opposed this .
c. Comrade T.N advocated the use of various forms of struggle in accordance with the prevailing conditions.The C.P.I.M.L rejected this and only gave emphasis to armed struggle.
By 1969 an agrarian revolutionary movement had developed ina small pocket of Kondamodalu agency area of East Godavri District under the leadership of the A.P.C.C.R.T he vast masses of the Girijans were drawn with the perspective of the mass revolutionary line. Comrades made a systematic study of the condition's of people's life and the forms of exploitation and oppression Extensive political propaganda was carried out against the moneylenders,forest officials,forest contractors,landlords and officials. People were organized on the basis of partial issues. To land issues. People were organized into various organizations like the girijan Sangham, Mahila Sangham, youth Organisation Etc.
Earlier Comrade Chandra Pulla Reddy had insisted on armed struggle for self-defence and disagreed with Comrades T.N and D.V.He felt that the enemy would not be quiet until the people consciously realize the need of adopting he form of armed struggle.' Armed Struggle for self-defence can be started by armed squads only formed by the party cadre .He formulated that'The peasant masses could only come forward to seize thel and of the landlords after they gain the confidence in the military strength of the armed squads. Subsequently Chandra Pulla Reddy left the AP.Committee and formed his own group.the A.P.C.C.R.was now under the leadership of Comrade T.N and Comrade D.V.(Devullapali Venkateshwara Rao)
Nagi Reddy' s line was followed in Punjab by the Ferozepur Bhatinda Committee led by Comrade Harbhajan Sohi that revived the mass organisation the Punjab Students Union and built the Naujavan Bharat Sabha ,a popular Youth Organisation.These organizations represented the broad masses of Punjab .The famous Moga Sangram Rally constituting the Naujavan Bharat Sabha,the Punjab Students Union, the Mould and Steel Workers Union and the Wahikar Union was led by the Punjab C-ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries.(P.C.R.C) On October 22nd 1974.An armed demonstarion of 20,000 people took place. It is of significance that Comrade Harbhajan Sohi was earlier a member of the C.P.I.M.L led by Comrade Charu Mazumdar.In 1974 the Punjab Co-Ordination committee brought out a significant document stating.
1. .Since the socio-economic conditions differ and political consciousness varies from place to place the revolutionary movements have to pass through various stages and different tactics would have to be used at various places
2.To ignore open and legal struggles is left adventurism.These will contribute to the development of armed struggle.
3.Annihilation of class enemies leads to the emergence of feelings of hero worship and retardr revolutionary initiative.
4.To ignore partial and economic struggles is dogmatism.The working class will have to pass through various stages
The A.P.C.C.R made protracted efforts to tread the mass line. While in jail, the leadership concentrated on political and ideological work and wrote documents in criticism of revisionism, left opportunism, left devation within the Party'Right Opportunist trend within the party' and Fundamental Line and question of Unity" Efforts were made to initiate the mass line and a paper" Proletarian Path' was brought out together with Comrades from West Bengal.The Andhra Comrades developed relationships with the Srikakulam Comrades (inside jail).
A series of steps was planned to develop political and organizational unity.Relations were established with Comrades like Kanu Sanyal and Souren Bose..Talks took place with Comrade Satya Narayan Singh but in no time the Andhra Comrades rejected merging with his organization. The A.P.C.C.C.R preapared draft Programme Path and Constitution for Unity Talks.There were only 4 organisations in the Unity Conference. They were A.P.C.C.R, West Bengal Coordination Committee, North Zone Committee and West Bengal Communist Unnity Centre.
In April 1975the birth of the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India took place. It was inaugurated by Comrade D.V Rao. The unity conference adopted a resolution on martyrs, programme, path, method of work, constitution and a statement on unification. The unity conference elected a Central Committee with Devullapali Venkateswara Rao (DV) as its secretary. UCCRI(ML) had as its ambition to unite all communist revolutionarty forces, including people within the CPI(ML) fold. UCCRI(ML) started publishing the SPARK as its central organ..
There was a decision on behalf of the Kerala Communist Unity Centre to merge with UCCRI(ML) in June 1975, but that organization suffered interal splits and the merged was cancelled. In July 1976 T. Nagi Reddy, who had been the most important leader of the party, died. His death became a severe set-back for UCCRI(ML).Below are excerpts published from a letter written by comrade T.N to his organization shortly before his death. Within a year of it's formation problems began to occur in the Unity Centre. Those with different political understanding's and orientations merged so the old understanding's were reflected and differences arose.
Comrade T.N did the utmost to combat this and solve the inner-political isues democratically. One resolution, "One year Emergency and situation" was adopted by the C.C in May 1976 and other decisions on the matters of functioning, the spirit of resolving the problems had emerged.
The contradictions of the ruling classes had reached a bursting point. The J.P. Movement was consolidating itself in all parts of India which affected the stability of the ruling Congress party. Various political groups were mobilized under one political mainstream under the J.P.leadership. Inner cracks were taking place within the ruling Congress party..The Allahabad judgement and the defeat of the Congress in Gujarat seemed to have pushed all the disgruntled groups into one mainstream. The cabinet showed inner cracks.
1. The contention between the superpowers was growing. South Asia became the cockpit of struggles between the 2 superpowers. India's actions in Bangladesh and Sikkim helped the expansionist policies of Soviet expansionism.
2. The revisionist parties were supporting every repressive act. (The C.P.I.supported the emergency.) They gave up their programme of land reform. They supported the anti-strike policies of the Congress. The working class was blamed by them for the failure of living upto production targets. They projected themselves as progressives while in reality they supported the states actions trampling peoples civil liberties and democratic rights. In trade Union struggles they supported the management. Parliamentary Congressism without an anti-imperialist ,anti-feudal programme led to sections of Communist revolutionaries into following the revisionists.
3. The aid that was being offered by the world bank was causing havoc. particularly in the rural areas. India would now become a greater debtor. The creation of anti -imperialist nationalism on every front was needed .The 20 point programme of the Congress did not have a single imperialist task.
4. The landlord classes had greatly strengthened. A lot of the landlord classes had diversified their economy into various other fields such as trade, small factories as rice mills, Groundnut factories, cinema theatres, contractors and so on. In such a situation if their lands are not touched ,then the question of land distribution becomes a farce.Temple lands were the best example of this.These lands were sold in auction -landed property to be turned into monetary property. For the agrarian revolution concretized local slogans had to be given along with general slogans. The reactionary theory of forming land committees must be exposed .This was the equivalent of the landlords being asked to distribute their own lands.
5. Every point of the ruling class 20 point progamme should be refuted. The policy of accepting imperialist capital had to be exposed tooth and nail. With increased foreign aid ,the drain on foreign exchange in all dimensional forms -legal and illegal was the fundamental problem. With increased attacks on smugglers the government had liberalised imports on the falicious plea of export promotion.-primarily to finance import of goods which go into current consumption as a price stabilising operation.
The tendency of the beneficiaries will be to import items which cater to elitist demand and maximise their profits regardless of the aims of the national economy, thereby liberalizing to an extent legal and semi-legal smuggling in the interests of the organised sector of the economy.. The world bank had been insisting on liberalised imports as an incentive to exports. Illegal smuggling was now replaced by legal smuggling. The world bank had insisted on liberalised imports as an incentive to exports.
A massive firing had taken place on so -called corrupt an inefficient officers. The Ayub Khan Govt. which carried this out was a most corrupt regime. He carried out actions to divert the people. The manipulations of multi-national companies was a great example of corruption which in India had reached in every strata of society from the administrative machinery to the lowest level village cadre.A new cadre of corrupt backward caste youth was created. This corruption would be a great obstacle to the movement.
This feature should be studied from the village level. 6.There was great singleness of purpose in the U.C.C.R.I.The adventurism of Charu Mazumdar,the disruptionist of the Chandra Pulla Reddy group,and the class-collaborationist policies of the Jayaprakash group was consistently refuted. The recognition of Charu Mazumdars C.P.I.M.L.by China caused problems initially but that problem had been overcome. Nagi Reddy 's contribution to the formulation, development and defence of the communist revolutionary line are invaluable in an era where pragmatism in political conduct and cynicism in attitude are affecting the rank and file of revolutionary groups. Comrade T.N always had an integral political -ideological concept and excelled in practicing it.
A revolutionary journal,'The Comrdae" evaluating his contribution stated, 'In analysing any political development or situation, sticking to the standpoint of Marxism-Leninism, proceeding from the current development of and interrelation between fundamental contradictions, ascertaining the particular form of conduct of different political forces in relation to them, ascertaining the actual state of affairs of the revolutionary forces and working out not only practical tasks but also the concrete form of revolutionary activity in relation with them.,all this he did in a manner that not only corresponded to the long-term interests of the revolution but was identifiable with the long-term interests of the movement and it's strategic goal.'
It must be stated that Comrade Harbhajan Sohi,who led the Punjab Group , in the view of the author in the post- Nagi Reddy days has made the greatest contribution in developing the proletarian revolutionary theory in India.(Information from appendix of Documents of the U.C.C.R.I.M.L. In 1977 and documents of 1979 Draft Programme )Comrade Harbhajan has to date made the greatest contribution in developing the correct International line whereby he rejected the principal Opportunist trends like Deng's 3 Worlds theory. However it is questionable whether the mass line was correctly implemented by the organization led by Harbhajan as another split took place shortly after the 1979 split(From D.V.Rao section) within Punjab.Between 1979 and the time of forming the anti communal Front in November 1986 there was little progress in Punjab in the development of the revolutionary peasant Front and the student and youth front which was so strong in the mid and late1970s.
The trade Union movement was relatively weak too. Another factor to be taken into account was that because of a weak Communist Revolutionary led Democratic Movement the Communal Khalistani politics got predominance in Punjab.It must however be stated that with the C.P.I.M.L Central Team Group and the Revolutionary Communist Party of India(Takra Group) the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries section led by Comrade H.B.S was the architect of the the "Front against Repression and Communalism' formed in Punjab in November 1986 to combat the Khalistani and State terrorism
In August 1976 the same year the organization suffered a split. A conflict had emerged in the CC, and DV had been removed from the post of secretary. DV accused three other CC members (led by a CC member from the NZC) of having formed a "rival centre", and suspended them unilaterally. In the split the Northern Zone Committee (i.e. Rajasthan) and Bengal Committee had broken away, along with the "rival centre". The break-away group later developed a pro-Albanian line.
DV returned to Andhra Pradesh and rallied the Andhra organization around him. DV pushed through a merger of the Punjab Communist Revolutionary Committee with the UCCRI(ML) in June 1976. He resurrected a Central Committee including himself, the PCRC secretary (Harbhajan Sohi) and two leaders from Andhra (Madhu and Anand), which was to function until a regular conference would be held
2Significant political notes on theoretical aspects
A..Elections-It is fascinating that although this compiled work below is from the 1989 Organ of the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India it was 30 years ago that a similar resolution was passed on the stand in the March 1977 elections.(After the Emergency) by the D.V Rao led U.C.C.R.I.(M.L).This stand refute active boycott and participation through advocating revolutionary no –participation. Today the roots of left sectarianism and right opportunism lie in these stands.Groups from the Chandra Pulla Reddy origin like New Democrac,the C.P.I.(M.L)Liberation Group and he current C.P.I(M.l) led by Kanu Sanyal have capitulated to revisionism because of participation.The C.P.I.(Maoist)still upholds 'active Boycott' tactics.From the 1980's the D.V section penly participated in electins while the Miuktigami group in retrospect supported participation and condemned the the 1977 resolution as sectarian.
Comipled From Comrade no 5 December 1989(Organ of C.C.R.I)
There can be 3 tactics deployed in The elections. Either you adopt the tactic of ' active boycott' or that of participation.,or that of 'active political campaign.'In all cases the political campaign should consist of a.exposing the uselessness of he presnt parliamentary institutions.
b. explaining the impossibility of achieving political liberty and social emancipation by parliamentary methods and
c .Explaining the necessity of armed Struggle in the form of protracted Peoples War centered around the agrarian question and of establishing he organs of peoples power,i.e of peoples democracy. The crucial aspects should be made are to the people by integrating hem with examples of the pat and present experiences and by concrete exposure of the deception of he ruling classes, their institutions and political parties. The only difference I his regard of implementing the basic tactics are the slogans of action they give an he pace which with theory work. Slogans of action have to be allotted in accordance to level of revolutionary movement at a given time.
Boycott is a higher form of struggle which is associated with imminent direct revolutionary action of the masses against the state and with setting up of organs of political power . For this,the party of the proletariat should have established it's leadership over the revolutionary movement and prepared itself, politically and organizationally ,to lead the people's armed struggle along with setting up suitable organs of political; power. Without this the boycott slogan will become meaningless, and futile as far as the realization of it's full revolutionary potential is concerned. It will lead to cynical attitudes amongst the people.
On the other hand for adopting the revolutionary utilisation of participation in election as legal form of Struggle, the emergence of revolutionary democratic elements is a necessity. It need a proletarian party organization to train and control a cadre team for his specialized activity, to organise a legal front without liquidating the illegal party structure, and to link and co-ordinate the activities of its members in these institutions with the direct revolutionary struggles of the people.Othrwise it will blunt the class –consciousness of the people, blur he political demarcation between the party of the proletariat and the ruling class political parties and will be a weapon in the hands of the ruling class forces to defeat he proletarian vanguard.
At present a unified, effective and influential party is lacking Comunist revolutionaries are only in the formative stage-in the sage of re-organisatin. In most areas ,any Communist Revolutionary Organisation is yet to establish it's identity,I the field of organization and mass -political influence.The level of political consciousness and organization of the people is lagging behind their actual practice of struggle or the objective potential for evolutionary struggle.F or asimilar reason,the emergence and development of revolutionary democratic elements is delayed .It is because of this situation that he present acute political crisis is not being converted into a revolutionary crisis. A general mood of distrust of leaderships and cynical indifference to political affairs and developments that a further hurdles are being created..
But or this circumstances the C.R's could have in condition of great turmoil adopted the tactics of 'Active Boycott' and and called upon the revolutionary forces to carry out he agrarian revolutionary programme, conducted armed struggle and set up alternative organs of peoples power. In other times ,under adverse political conditions they could have participated in the electins as a tactical ploy.
Toady there are 2 serious deviations. The first one is that of carrying out 'Boycott'tactics without the scope of direct revolutionary mass action and setting up of parallel organs of political power. The second is of using participation tactics without the proletarian party,sufficient mass opolitical influence and other necessary organizational means.It will organizationally lead to liquidationsim and politically to tailism
The only possible campaign is that of 'Active Political Campaign'.They must build mass revolutionary struggles They must urge the people to rely and concentrate on their own struggle movement and organization-building to prepare for direct revolutionary mass action against the ruling classes and their institutions of political power.
In the campaign the Comunist Revolutionaries should analyse the specific features which get manifest in ruling class politics and their manouvres in elections. Eg Warring factions of ruling classes and their political representatives.T he uselessness of parliamentary institutions must be explained as well as parliamentary methods. The political objective of the working class movement and the democratic revolutionary movement led by it should be projected.
The campaign should consist of
A.Contracting the professed programmes of the ruling class parties with their actual practice and with the bitter experience of the peole in regard to their worsening economic conditions.
b. Explaining that the root cause of the economic misery is that of the semi –feudal, semi-political economy and The autocratic state structure , and that without eliminating the root cause there is no hope for meaningful change.
C .Explaining the people to depend o their own organized strength and struggle, and have no illusions of false talk of civil librties .The people must be explained the need o establish their own political power .
d. Pushing the proletariat and other sections to to pursue heir just revolutionary struggles, to build up their respective mass organizations and united Front organizations to be able to raise heir struggles to a higher plane and establish their own rule. Peoples Democracy to be executed through genuine representative institutions of the people-the revolutionary organs of political power.
e. Explaining the road masses the features of he new people's republic that they are fighting for, in the interests of the various revolutionary classes.
In the present day context 2 points are of exceptional importance. The first one is.
a.Exposing the nefarious role of ruling class parties in utilizing communal sectarian divisons among the people, explain the connection between the electoral needs of the party and the lives of the masses and tell the masses about the need to rebuff such dirty manouvresof the ruling class parties.
b.Explaining the people the need to build heir own reliable political instruments. i.e the proletarian party organization,the united Front organization
b.Mass Organizations and the Party
This is a document circulated by the U.C.C.R.I(M.L)Nagi Reddy Group in Punjab in the early 1980's or it's ranks.(published in Comrade no.8-1991)From the inception of the Communist Revolutionary Movement till today,sharp differences have cropped up on different occasions among Communist Revolutionaries on the role and importance of mass organizations ,their formation ,their relationship with the party,and the methods by which the party should work in these organizations.In many instances organizations like C.P.I(M.L)-Party Unity Group,C.P.I.(M.L)Peoples War Group Etc were unable to properly handle he contradiction between mass organsiations and the party and efforts were even made to impose Mao Tse Tung Thought on the mass organizations.(eg.RadicalStudents Union or All India league for Revolutionary Culture)They converted mass organsiations into Front Organizations, unable to completely give them their separate identity.
In contrast groups like Chandra Pulla Reddy –SatyaNarayan Singh or Vinod Mishra's Liberation group exhibited economist tendencies in mass organizationThe document may have weaknesses as it is virtually confined o Punjab. However it has relevance for the Indian Movement, even today.It is interesting how the Chinese Communist Party dealt with their youth Organization-the Communist Youth League.At one stage (during the first agrarian revolutionary war in 1927-1937)they totally opposed using the mass platform to propogate Marxism –Leninism(not naming it a 'Communist'Youth League) but at he time of the Anti-Japanese War thought it was necessary.
In the initial stages of the movement the 'left'adventurist sections,described mass organizations as "an obstacle in the way of revolution."Only after the erroneous line had been defeated and the importance of mass organizations established did their followers of such thinking change their viewpoint.(earlier such sections claimed mass organizations as 'revsionsist',economists'and 'renegades of the armed struggle.')
However even when such Comunist revolutionary sections started participating in mass organizations they imposed party politics on mass organisationsT hey confused the party with the mass organization and use the mass organization platform to promote party ;politics..
Thee was sharp ideological political struggle and certain Comunist Revolutionaries even wanted to dismantle such mass organizations.Mass Organisations were turned into forums of direct party politics and efforts were made to impose Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse Tung Thougt on hem.They even termed the Punjab Students Union,a bourgeois organization and they attempted to convert it into a Communist Youth Leaguewhich openly adhered to party politics.
Though at present this trend has receded it's political infection survives.This pamphlet reflects on the important points concerned
.Rise and development of mass organizations.
The process of emergence of mass organizations belongs to that period of social development in which the capitalist system developed itself after it's victory ovr the feudal system. Even though during the pre-capitalist stage small crude forms of mass organizations were taking shape in an isolated manner,the process of their development as a widespread phenomena is predominant in the capitalist era.
The large-scale capitalistic production created suc h objective conditions as were favourable for the workers/labourers to get united,moving along te path of class struggle. Earlier production used to take place in smaller ,localized and almost self-reliant units;this prevented different sections of working people ,involved in the production process from coming close toeaxch other,a nd uniting themselves as a class with self-consciousness.Large-Scale production permanently broke all the ties of the workers ,thus uniting them against the exploiter class.
A mass organization is a group of organized people who,judged from the aspect of their standing in the given production system, or from the aspect of occupation, objective interests and working conditions,ae uniform,a re said to comprise a mass organization. For instance, a factory of workers: All workers work in the factories owned by capitalitsThey earn heir wages by soling their labour power. Finaly they seek emancipation from the capitalist rule ,and for that purpose build a common organization of workers, that is called a mass organization of workers.
Like workers,employees,students,agricultural workers,peasants,shopkeepers,alos have their mass organizations.The workers belonging to different categories alo belong to different mass orgaisations i.e railway,shipyard ost and telegraph workers.This si because there are factory Unions belonging to different trades.Trae Union Organisations alos establish joint centres for common struggles,which atre known as trade Union Federations or Centres.
The mass organization are an instrument for the revolutionary party to approach the maximum number of people, bringing them into the organized movement and imparting them the preliminary understanding and experience which may enable them to gars[p and absorb the revolutionary propaganda.T hey play the role of a transmission belt between the party and the people. That brings the people closer to the party and connects them with it. It helps the party reach a large number of non-party masses outside it's fold.With it's help the party kindles and influences various fields of class Struggle.
Comrdae talin writes:The overwhelming majority of these organizations are non –party, and only some of them directly adhered to the party,or constitute offshoots from it.All these organizations under certain conditions ,are absolutely necessary for he Working lass for without hemit would be impossible to consolidate the class positions of te proletariat in the diverse spheres of struggle.for without them it would be ipossible to steel the proletariat as the force wose mission isto replace the bourgeois order with the Socialist Order.
Thus mass organizations include in them vast sections,I large numbers,who still remain inaccessible to the Party of the Working Class,who are yet not prepared to accept he direct leadership of the party.The mass organizations attract thse peole into mass struggles and impart them with organizational and democratic awareness. They work as nurseries for producing such primary fighters of the class struggles.They thus work for producing the seedlings of the revolution and a fertile ground for the expansion of the Communist Party and the Movement.
Comrade Lenin stated "The development of the proletariat did not, and could not ,proceed anywhere in the world without trade Unions, through reciprocal action between them and the party of the Working class. The Trade Unions remain an indispensable "school of communism' and a preparatory school that trains proletarians to exercise their dictataorship.
It is very important to differentiate between a party and amass organization.A mass organization is a organization for the partial struggle of the working class,t he party organization is an organization for basic struggle. A mass organization fights for immediate interests,t he partial demands of a section of a class;the party fioghts for the attainment of revolutionary transformation.
Only those sections can join the party who are politically conscious and are prepared to plunge themselves into a basic struggle. Only he most advanced and conscious sections of the working class ,who understand the ideology and politic s of the class viz,the communists alone can constitute its members. While,since amass organization is a struggle or immediate and partial interests, which even a common worker is aware of ,even the most backward sections of the concerned class can constitute it. n ordinary worker can join them.
The party of the working class must maintain it's political ideological firmness to play the role of apolitical guide. This norm is violated by 'left' adventurist sections who impose their ideology as well as revisionist parties wo impose partymembership on a ordinary non-conscious striker.The 'left'adventurists when they force 'Mao Tse Tung Thought'on a mass organization, close the doors for for ordinary sections. In any section or class there remains a section who have different political views and are not willing to accept the ideology of the working class. When mass organizations have party politics imposed on hem the non-party sections, feel deprived and step aside from the mass organization.It is reduced to an arena of pro-party sections alone.
Thus party understanding must never be imposed o mass organizations in toto and the party must use the idioms of the masses.Instead of Marxist Leninist Terminology and formulations, a terminology should be derivated to reach out to he broad masses.
A party o he working class has to lead an allrouind struggle ,an thus has to establish leadership overall the fields and classes thata re essential for the revolution. It's range of leadership is quite widespread. The mass organization has a limited range,and needs to only relate to it's own class or section.
The minimum political programme of he party is o overthrow the exsiting clas rule based on exploitation and o[pression, and to replace it with a rule in which the working class has predominance.I t has to build a Communist Society.While a mass organization ,being an organization for partial demand,has for immediate programme the struggle for attainment of partial demands of tat class or section, wheras it's highest goal is to convert itself into a fighting contingent of the motive forces of the revolution,by developing itself into an organization of a concerned class or section.
It is imperative for the party to to target every anti-people class rule.I t should command the standpoint of the revolutionary movement and stand by the overall revolutionary politics. The mass organization has to maintain a mass character and expected to raw political elements.
The Party must at all times assert it's political positions and stand up with the courage of steel in the most adverse times It must always defend proletarian politics. The mass organizations act within the existing system. They,are expected to move taking he objective conditions and their strength into account.
The party is a tightly-knit organization with iron discipline,I ntegrating theory with practice,and is abused on the most politically advanced section s of the working class,.It must adopt underground and secretist style of work. Only then can it protect itself from the onslaughts of the state A lose and open party is inviting danger..In contrast a mass organization is an open organization. It thus cannot adhere to as strict a discipline as the party .It is a comparatively lose organization.
Relation between a party and amass organization
While providing leadership o a mass organization he party of the working class does not find it difficult to retain a separate identity of it's own as the champion of the overall interests of the working class. It provides its leadership from the overall standpoint of the revolutionary movement .During the current struggles of peasants the party through it's propaganda provides them with a correct direction regarding the intention of both of the contending sides, the peasants an the govt,their reliable and vaccilating allies and opponents, the favourable and unfavourable conditions etc.
The party maintains it's separate identity as the champion of he basic interest of the working class by making the peasant movement more vigilant of the deception and allies of the opportunist political forces, exposing the anti-peasant nature of he state structure and the need and methods of destroying the prevalent system./The party leads from the overall revolutionary standpoint in connection with the making of a common cause with those allies of the peasant movement who can stand up with it against the common enemy.
On different occasions ,the concerned mass organizations may adopt hat part of the party's propaganda that suits their given level and need .Through sustained and repeated propaganda by the party,the imageof the party being for them is increased, and the party's leadership gains credibility.The mass organizations respect the party'spropoganda and more advanced sections are developed from them.
The party must introduce politics that matches with the level of political consciousness that exists in amass organization.The masses must be able to assimilate that level of politics.T he quantity and quality of politics has to be analysed.
Comrade Stalin writes;Non –party organisatins,trade Unuiions and co-opratives etc.should be officially subordinated to the party leadership.It only means hat membersof he party who belong to these organizations an are influential should place their utmost energy to persuade these non-party organizations to draw nearer to the party of he proletariat in their work and voluntarily accept it's party leadership.
The party politics must not be imposed The politics introduced should be on par with the average level of consciousness of amass organization member.Excess of politics introduced will violate the democratic spirit.
Several people perform the functions of a party and mass organization activist. Withi a mass organization a party member must work within her discipline of that mass front. They will have to abide wit the same norms as non-party members doNow they have to wok under the identity o amass activist. The need of the mass organization becomes the need oF the party itself.
Party activists can alos have dual identity in a mass organisation.They function as party members,within the discipline of the mass organization.
Sometimes conflicts occur when more than 2 political forces act within one organization. Here the norms of the mass organisatin concerned must not be violated even if political struggle exists.If norms are violated such mass organisatins become areanas of party politics.Political groups of conflicting trends should avoid dragging politics or differences into the mass organization. Onl;y those differences should be resolved which are compatible to the understanding of the members of the mass organization.Only he differences of the politics the masses can assimilate should be debated.
The dominating faction of amass organization should not behave arrogantly, and not take decisions that are prejudicial against the political interests of another faction. Similarly, the minority faction should not resort to unorganisational methods .
A Front organization is one that openly identifies itself with the party.The distinction of a front organization fro an ordinary mass organization is that the mass sections accept the leadership of the party. In a revolutionary movement for long phases the the situation for running mass organizations as front organizations dose not arise.
Comrade Lenin stated "If we in Russia today, after two and ahalf years of unprecedented victories over the bourgeoisie of Russia and the ntente,wee to make'recognition of the dictatorship' a condition of trade Union membership ,we would be doing a very foolish thing, damaging our influences amongst the mases.,and helping the Mensheviks.We must convine he backward element,s to work among them, and not to fence themselves of from them with artificially childish 'left'slogans.
The party must always handle the contradiction between the mass character of the mass organization and the political content and not impose the politics of advanced political content.
When the direct leadership of ther party would not become a bar in joining the organizations, and when ,despite this a factor even the backward sections may be willing to join them, then it is allright for such organizations to work as Front organizations.
3.Practical political Struggles reflecting the mass line.
Mass Line against Khalistani terrorism(Punjab)
The reactionary communal Khalistani fascist movement advocated the liberation of Sikhs and a separate state tobe carved out for the Sikh people. Khalistani ideology advocated a separatetheocratic state based on all the tenets of Sikhism.
Jagjit Singh Chauhan was the founder of this movement in the late 60's
abroad. Natively from Punjab he had settled abroad, and in Britain formed
Sikh religious groups advocating a new state for the Sikhs.The Khalistani dictates included a ban on cigarettes, a ban on eating meat,a ban on drinking liquor, a ban on beauty parlours, prohibition againstshaving and compulsion of women to wear Salwar Kameez. The people had toobserve the Khalistani code in all ways of life.
In Punjab the Akali Dal represented the religious Sikh politics through the
Akali movement which had its origin in the Singh Sabha movement of the late
1920's which tried to communalise a secular anti-imperialist movement. To
divert it, the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabhandak committee was formed with the
blessings of the British.
The Akali movement professed the Anandpur Sahib resolution that converted
several democratic issues into Sikh demands. Democratic demands of the
people like the arrest of the Jodhpur detenues, the sharing of river waters
with Haryana, the transfer of the capital from Chandigarh to Amritsar, and
the punishing of criminals during the Delhi riots were taken up as religious
From the early 80's to the early part of the 90's the state of Punjab was
ravaged by Khalistani terrorism. Communal fascists were a great threat to
the people's democratic movement. The Akali Dal represented the Sikh
communalists while the Congress represented the Hindu communalism. Both
parties used the communal terrorists against each other.
Indira Gandhi created and patronized Bhindranwale, a Sikh communal fanatic,
to electorally defeat the Akali Dal. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale belonged to
a Sikh fundamentalist sect which opposed the electoral Akali Dal politics.
In the earlier phases the Akali Dal patronized the Sikh fundamentalist
forces, harbouring several terrorists in religious temples. However when the
contradiction between the Khalistani liberation and Akali Dal ideology
became acute, the Congress won Bhindranwale to their side to de-stabilise
the Akali Dal, the ruling party.
It is significant that here a great role is played to the importance of maintaining the correct role of the mass organization with he party and the need of building mass resistance and not merely deploy armed squad actions. In the period of the Khalistani Movement the U.C.C.R.I.(M.L) Nagi Reddy Group(later became C.C.R.I. after merging with the Revolutionary Communist Party of India led by Takra in Punjab ) in Punjab displayed outstanding theoretical clarity .
It led outstanding examples of mass revolutionary resistance and building of mass line.(One of the most outstanding examples in the history of the Communist Movement in India)It played a major role on the formation and functioning of the anti-repression and anti-communal Front . Below are compiled struggles from their revolutionary journal(taken from Comrade no.5 –Dec.1989) when the organization was known as he U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)Nagi Reddy Group.
It effectively answered the trend that promoted armed squad actions ,replacing mass resistance.(It may not be the mass line in I totality )Today similarly armed squads of the C.P.I(Maoist),however sincere they are actually implement the line of the 'annihilation of the class enemy' to a great extent,carrying out military actions in place of mass armed movements.(They lead a big movement in Andhra Pradesh,Bihar,Jharkand and Dandkaranya but their line is vitiated by left adventurism)
In such a demanding situation our organization and some revolutionary Groups took a clearcut and resolute stand against Khalistani and State terrorism. We stepped up the propaganda campaign against them. However a mere propaganda campaign was not enough o combat the Khalistani terrorists it was necessary to build a great number of checkpoints,in the form of revolutionary mass resistance centres to stem the tide of communal fanaticism and of both kinds of reactionary terrorism. The weak and divided revolutionary movement was the stumbling block I taking any worthwile initiative ion this direction.
So to pool and organize every bit of resentment and anger of all the positive forces against communalism and reactionary terrorism,the building up of a platform was the crying need of the hour.The "Front against Repression and Communalism' was the need of the hour.
Our organization had played a most important role in the formulation and policy of the Front and in planning it's structure. Our organization circulated a position paper on this issue. The position paper became the basis of the common programme of the Front which was approved by participating groups..In this programme Hindu and Sikh Communalism are equal enemies of the Front.Similarly Khalistani and State terrorism should be equally opposed.Congress Rulers, all groups of Akali Dal,Khalistani terrorists and Hindu ommunalists such as Shiv Sena are the criminals responsible for Punjab's tragedy. Communist Revolutionaries, democratic forces,secular-minded people,who agreed with he programme were included.
The policy of taking Khalistani and State terrorism as equal enemies has a very important implication. The implication is that for the security of their life and property from Khalistani fascist gangs,people should not rely on the state security forces. People have to prepare themselves mentally, organizationally and materially to resist it militarily. There should be no reliance on police guards for the security of the functions of the Front and Front leaders should reject armed licenses .A special emphasis should be placed on the recruitment of fighting elements of the people into volunteer force. The Front formulated this policy " Don't have any hopes from the govts, for defence make your own arrangements."
Wherever the front Units seriously implemented their work groups of young volunteer have emerged to bar any risk in the fight against Khalistani terrorists and have played a vanguard role in the defence of the movement against Communal terrorism At many places, where Khalistani terrorists had banned rallies and demonstrations against them, there the Front Units, basing on their volunteer force, defiantly challenged this ban and successfully organized public functions. During the social reform campaign,of the Khalistanii terrorists the Front prepared the people for self-defence. The Khalistani gangs were threatening the people with a death sentence to impose their programme with regards to dress, diet,cultural customs. Gangs of Khalistanis were disrupting he social life of the people e.They marched on the streets with naked swords in their hands. Humiliating and thrashing Hindus an Sikhs. Here are some struggles of significance.
I he area of our party work 'A' Our main party activist was a mass leader. During Operation Bluestar the area had become a battleground between the followers of the terrorists and the village people. A gang of Sikh fanatics wanted to usurp the land of a Hindu temple and turn it into a Gurudwara.This attack was repulsed by village people under our party leadership. In a nearby town a gang of Sikh fanatics obstructed a demonstration organised by our comrades and challenged the leader of the demonstration. The accompanying volunteer squad attacked the gang with firearms and repulsed the fanatics.
Within a short period of time the police searched the Gurudwaras throughout Punjab.(Operation Bluestar)fter Operation Bluestar our main activist was put on top of he Khalistani hit list,and became the convener of the Front of the area. The Khalistani gangs Social reform program was in full swing and even paralysed the Barnala State machinery. The Front Unit of the are announced a conference and demonstration against the Communal gangs.2000 people participated and about 1600 people marched through town mostly armed with conventional weapons. Loudspeaker extensions were even arranged o other suitable places in he town from sympathizers who dared participate ion the Front's demonstration .The mass defiance attacked the Khalistani gangs like a spear thrust through them .
The Sikh Communal gangs retaliated by organizing their area level conference and invited Baba Joginder Singh. The gang beat up 2 Hindu Shopkeepers on the plea that they sold bidies. In retaliation the village people thrashed he gang. The Participants of the Sikh Communal conference participating left the venue and reached the place of the incident now again became aggressive but seeing he preparation of the village people got scared Eventually they retreated to the Conference venue.This was the first time in Punjab when the Sikh Communal elements had to eat humble pie .Some months later the Front Unit of the area had to deny strenuous police efforts to prevent their meeting. Inspite of police arrests and terrorisng the Front held a succesful programme.
When this news reached Town 'B' another political centre of the area, followers of he Front asserted that an armed march should be held to confront the social eform campaign .Within a few days,about 200 volunteers of the Front armed with conventional weapons organized an anti-Khalistani demonstration. As assault he Front's militant activities2 Hindu Shopkeepers beat up a gang of Sikh fanatics. This faith in the Front was shown when the shopkeepers did not contact he police but went to he Front office. This closeness was earned at the time of Operation Bluestar when our comrades circulated hand-writtten material via rooftops A free public kitchen was organized in a locality of labourers who were starving due to unemployment. After Operation Bluestar the front Unit organized programmes involving all sections,like milkmen, electricians, cooks ,rickshaw pullers tenthouse owners Etc.
IN town C an armed demonstration was held y 1500 people which was confronted by Khalistani terrorists and the Police forces. The brave Front activists successfully held the demonstration and repulsed the State terrorists and the communal terrorists.
I Village d a successful political cum cultural public function was held where Hindus and Sikhs participated.
The greatest show of strength was when 8000 people participated in a Front demonstration.
Our correct policy enabled us to win over trading sections who were difficult to reach through revolutionary democratic organizations. We effectively fought the trend that wished the Front to emerge into communist evolutionary Centre instead of a mass resistance Front. Thus we could reach vast sections of victim s of communal fanaticism and reactionary terrorism,. We also fought the trend which insisted that the Font do any joint activity with any political party who agreed to its common programe. We asserted that the platform should not be used to project the image of party leaders .There was a left tendency to do joint activities with mass organizations an thus attach them as Front organizations.T his is a form of imposing oneself upon the people.
The Front also answered those forces with defective political understanding with defective mass approach and incorrect work methods who hardly advanced their wok beyond a propaganda routine. They advocated retaliatory armed actions by armed squads of revolutionary groups.We answered this on a practical plane by organizing mass level resistance from scratch. against Communal fascist gangs.
In areas where we were strong we worked with the perspective of building checkpoints. Against the Khalistani onslaught W e built mass revolutionary resistance .We organized defensive armed demonstrations where we had a solid mass base and organizations in different sections-particularly among the basic masses o the people. Defensive armed actions or red terror may be organized as an activity supplementary to the peoples mass resistance basing on it and advancing it.
In our Weak areas we worked in mentally and emotionally preparing the people.for the impending eventuality.
We also won sections who dared identify with the Front We helped them build their separate platforms.
According to Chairman Mao's teachings, when the enemy attacks us it means we are on the right track. Leaders of Front Units wee put on the hit lists of terrorists,while on the other hand the police have raided the Front's office at some places and arrested its leaders and activists.
The 'Front against repression and Communalsim'could not be a front comprising of the revolutionary democratic organizations belonging to respective organizations as the issue was beyond the scope of mass organizations. It could also not be a Front comprising of political organizations belonging to the Communist Revolutionary Camp, as the issue had a broader mass appeal for the involvement of such braoder sectionsof democratic,secular and non-communal forces,whose participation in the Front would not be possible ,if it comprised of the Communist Revolutionary forces based on Marxism-Leninsim Mao Tse Tung Thought..
The Front against Repression and Communalism, Punjab could not only maintain it's existence ,despite several ups and owns ut function successfully implementing it's common plan of action for years. It undertook highly successful propaganda campaigns in various parts of the state on a mass scale ,but could also mobilize the people at various places in great numbers in actual opposition and resistance to communal fascist terrorism and state terrorism, and was able to create ,during the trying times, several exempelary centres of revolutionary mass resistance against e dual reactionary monster of terrorism.The greatest achievement was organizing a state level function in the darkest days of Khalistani and state terrorism on July 10th 1987.
In contrast ,The Revolutionary Unity Centre formed by Comrade Gursharan Singh(famous revolutionary dramatist and supporter of the Communist Movement) was based on a declaration that professed Marxism –Leninism –Mao Tse Tung Thought as its guiding ideology,and the unity among Communist revolutionary forces as it's goal. It allotted no specific programme. It's pogramme was vague and non –specific .Importance was not give to revolutionary mass resistance. Only mere propaganda campaigns could be taken up or seminar type activities ,where the speakers would declare their latest political positions ,and contradict each other.(Held a state-wide rally from March 23rd to April 8th in 1987 opposing State and Khalistani terrorism commemorating Shaheed Bhagat Singh) The Revolutinary UnityCentre in contracts could not unify any 2 of it's constituents .Being communist Revolutionary Centre it became an arena of conflicting trends interpreting Mao Tse Tung Thought differently. Several groups did not consider each other revolutionary and openly accused each other of being revisionist. Some of it's constituents upheld he Socialist Revolution as their goal. Thus the formation of a revolutionary United front was contradictory because a centre forged with the specific goal of unity among different Communist Revolutinary Sections cannot be be the same as one created for a revolutionary democratic Front.. Secondly how could he upholders of the Socialist revolution as a goal agree with the upholders of the New democratic revolution. There was also a tendency to allow or invite the 'Paigam' group in the revolutionary camp which upheld the Khalistani
Movement.It was simply inviting those who the revolutionary forces labelled as 'traitors' or 'revisionists' to come into the front .Considering that there was such a severe debate on he polemical level amongst Communist Revolutionary groups it was virtually impossible for the Centre to be effective on the mass political plane.
It is interesting that the main advocate of this Centre the C.P.I(M.L)Resistance or Chandra Pulla Redy Group led by K.Ramchandran opposed the front claiming that mass organizations were needed for taking up partial and economic issues and the party should undertake political activities.It claimed that the formaton of such affront was alien to Marxis Leninism.We held that this was a totally unmarxist formulation.Communists can never consider mass organisations stood be purely economic ones.This was a most eclectic formulation. Mass Organisations play a mass –political role I the revolutionary movement and in specific situation s mass –political platforms have top be built.
1993 Sewewala Martyrs Conference(report from Punjab Compiled from Comrade no 12 –Decembr 1993)of the C,C.R.I)-This report was made by acorrespondentwho interviwed a organizer of he C,C.R.I.which had ben formd in 1988.(merger of 5 groups)
On April 9th 1991 Megh Raj Jagpal Singh, Karam Singh, Pappy, Gurjant Singh and 9 other Front activists were massacred in Sewevala in Faridkot district. To commemorate their death a statewide protest took place which culminated in a 10,000 strong rally in Sewewala where people assembling from allover the state, armed with traditional weapons as well as raising anti-Khalistan and anti-State slogans were mobilised. A self-defence barricade was made against the Khalistani terrorists and police protection was opposed. Echoes of the revolutionary spirit reverberated in the hearts of the people assembled like a light radiating over them. It appeared like a huge red flame had lit the Sewewala village. The martyrdom of the Sewewala Martyrs wrote a new chapter in the history of the Indian Communist Movement.
The decline of the Khalistani Movement was significant but as far as village Sewewal was concerned none of the local acomplies of the Khalistani gang,its harbourers, or known supporters were even arrested,interrogated or beaten.Infact the local accomplices of the Khalistani gangs were freely roaming all over the lace.An open and Known Khalisatni Group went on intimidating and terrorizing the villagers
2 years later a commemoration programme was launched which depicted a classic example of mass line.After a considerable study of the political situation it was decided to launch a commemoration programme for the Sewevala martyrs.The Harijan basti region was where the programme was launched .
The respective sate-levellaeding committee of the Front and the C.C.R.I undertook a comprehensive and concrete analysys of the prevailing situation before deciding on the holding of he function in Sewewala.The Khalisatni terrorist movementwas on the wane ,but all the objective conditions necessary for it's resurgence existed, and it was far from bein totally crushed.In view of our organized persistent resistance ,we presumed the Khalistani forces would not attack Sewewala.Moreover,fearing retaliatory attacks,the local accomplices of the terrorists can hardly co-operate. Elaborate and tight security arrangements would further dissuade the terrorists from undertaking such a venture.e The situation is very tough and challenging.It has a huge revolutionary potential for he advancement of he anti-communal,anti terroris democarti Struggle as wella s for agrarian revolutionary movement.The bold and daring activities of the revolutinay democratic movement can isolate the Khalistani elements and wi over the dalitand landless classes.A good section of the Jat middle peasntry can be won over.
After reaching a general consent of villagers and the residents of the Harijan Basti a secret meeting of 7-8 pro-party militants was held.The local mass militants were bitterly critical of the inadequate security arrangements at the time of the massacre ,2 years previously and felt humiliated but they shared their intense hatred for the Khalistani terrorists.The political activist of the revolutionary group made a self-critical appraisal of their earlier approach which reduced their anger and brought them closer to the revolutionary Group.He pledged that now the masses would be organised to enable them to receive much stronger self -defence and Front leaders would be far more vigilant of enemies.A list of potential allies and enemies A list of potential allies and enemies was drawn out.A calculated action programme was chalked out to win over the maximum support of the Harijan Basti.
The survey of the village revealed that Khalistani terror broadly existed over both the landed and landless peasantry.Only a small section of the Landed peasantry sympathised with the Front and even these sections would not openly identify with the Front Programme.The rest of the peasant households remained neutral.The Harijans were unwilling to take the risk again.However,as a result of their social class the Harijans were easy to win over.I t was now decided to deploy a plan of work whereby the advanced elements of the youth would be won over followed by the middle and backward layer.This plan proved most fruitful,as a great section of revolutionary youth were won over.
However the Harijan elders were reluctant to join .The Front organised family meetings to combat this obstacle as well as promised greater security plans for them at meetingsWeapons were displayed in the basti for this purpose..The Front giving concrete examples explained what revolutionary resistance to the 2 pronged Khalistani and State terror was about giving vivid examples of their experience.The class hatred of such families was strengthened by this method.The Harijans were explained how they would be liberated from the tyranny of the rich Sikh Landowners and Pro0Khalistani Sections.During these meetings each participant was allotted a particular duty after being assesssed.Male members were given duties involving preparations, while women and children were allotted the task of obtaining information about the enemies.
In less than 2 weeks ,almost the entire Harijan Basti supported the Front. However a self-styled leader of the basti as well as Pro-Khalistani elements opposed the programme stating that they would lathi charge the programme.Enraged section of the Youth retaliated trying to give those reactionary elements a sound thrashing but the Front curbed them explaining them to adopt a correct approach.
Khalistani elements mainly belonging to the Jat peasantry continued to threaten this programme through terror methods over villagers.They carried out a campaign of deliberate lies against the Harijans inciting class hatred against the Dalits.The landed peasantry were told by these elements that the Harijans would snatch their lands.They also spread rumours that an attack similar to the one at Sewevala would take place and hundreds would be killed.
Now the Front organisers concentrated on winning over sections of the Jat peasantry.Unfortunately when a group of Harijan youth went on a propaganda campaign the communalised sections of the Jat Peasantry misbehaved and tore up their pamphlets and posters.However the youth kept calm and thus foiled the attempt of these reactionary forces in creating a clash between the Jat peasants and the Harijans.After this incident 2 contrasting events took place.One section of Harijans were depressed by the aggressive behaviour of the Jats.They wanted to postpone the programme.However another section were outraged and were impatient in holding the programme.This attitude was predominant in the youth who stated that there was no need to win over the Jat peasantry to hold the programme.
Now all efforts were concentrated on the mobilisation of the Harijan basti.A huge range of family meetings took place.There was now even a great response from women.
After this state-wide preparations were made for the programme-the State Committee of the revolutionary organisation issuing a leaflet explaining the history of the Punjabi masses in combating the communal terror and the State terror. On March 21st a mass meeting of activists was held to pay homage to the Sewewala Martyrs and chalk out plans for the conference on April 9th.A 10 member preparation committee was elected which facilitated this propaganda in labour colonies.A shaheedi conference was held on April4th on April 4th to pay homage to the heroes where 800 people participated. The families of 2 martyrs of the Sewewala massacre were presented with momentoes.
A massive security programme was launched by the Front.The Harijan masses of the basti played a major role in gathering information about the role of the enemies. The women and children played a major role in this. They made a thorough study of the enemy's moves ,motives and movements. The deployment of adequate and proper weapons was given emphasis. However the emphasis was given on the broad masses asserting their right to self-defence.Trained volunteers were also to play an instrumental role.2 dozen youth of the basti associated themselves as guards ,couriers and vigilance keepers as well as spying on the enemy.
A day before the programme security was installed on the roofs of the exterior of the basti .Trained volunteers manned them. Barricades were installed in the lanes and by-lanes to prohibit the entry of suspicious elements. The Barricades were provided cover by armed volunteers positioned on rooftops. All security posts were covered with a special signal system A network of couriers was organised which raced from one spot to the other exchanging information. All posts had their own commanders and an operational zone operating under a unifying a higher command.
On the day of the programme, entry was entitled only by identity passes. A Harijan Dharamshala staged the programme.Slogans such as "Down with Khalistani and State terrorism "and "Long Live the Sewewala Martyrs "were painted on the boundary walls of the building.The ground was decorated with red Flags and a bed of red sand. Amidst flower petals name plates of martyrs were placed. A community kitchen served cooked and sweet packed rice to the participants. From the home village of martyred comrade Megh Raj Baghtuana, a contingent of 70 men, women and children carrying red flags and escorted by girl volunteer reached Sewewala.
The women participants numbered more than 150 in the conference. By 12 o'clock,3,000 people had arrived, more than2/3 from the agricultural labourers,industrial labourers,electricity workers and other working sections. Leaders Amolak Singh and Jaspal Jassi adressed the gathering. At 12.30 the Family members of the martyrs came on stage.Amolak explained people the anti-people nature of the Khalistani terrorists and the State. He explained how the Jat peasantry (Middle Sections of the peasantry)had fallen victim to the Khalistani poisonous propaganda.
2.05 was the exact time of the attack on the Sewewala Martyrs 2 years previously. At that time perhaps one of the most emotional scenes in the history of the Communist movement in India.
The winning over of the Harijan peasantry was a great achievement but the inability to influence the Jat Peasantry was a major setback. The front issued an ordinary appeal to the Jat Peasantry.The front projected it's pro-people policies and explained that the Khalistani elements were only trying to poison their minds with lies and false propaganda regarding the Front. It was explained that such elements were trying to wedge the gap between the Jat peasantry and the Harijan labourers.
However as these programmes took place ,reports took place about the movements of suspected terrorists. This became a major threat and security was strengthened. The Front persuaded supporters to contribute a day's labour in donation. While the harvesting was taking place a bunch of suspected elements were tracked. A red Alert was issued .At night such elements were observed near a Harijan basti.An attack was anticipated and the volunteers resorted to firing to thwart the suspected elements.Again there was a totally contrasting reaction between the Jats and the Harijans.The landed Jat peasantry took it as an attack on the Harijans against them as a provocation while the Harijan peasantry defended the firing of the volunteers .The latter were now more confident of repulsing attacks by class enemies.
The conference also set abase for the winning over of sectns of the middle peasants and thus create an alliance beween the Jat and the Dalit sections.A platform was also created to build the evolutionary mass organsiation of the landless labourers.
The great achievement of the martyrs conference was that a most favourable situation was turned into a favourable situation reminiscent of the Vietcong who heroically defeated the American forces in the Vietnam war.The campaign also effectively answered the question of the mass revolutionary line over the line of squad actions.A n earlier supporter of Squad actions stated"What we achieved here can not be achieved by a squad action."Another Student leader stated"Mass revolutionary line is invincible and armed squad action cannot substitute it".
A volunteer Student Group stated"We have gained a valuable experience in the mass revolutionary line."The polemics the Communist Revolutionary Organisation applied in the building up and holding of the conference was comparable in correctness to the polemics of Comrade Mao before the Chinese revolution.The policy of learning from the masses and then educating them and learning correct ideas from the masses was meticulously applied.
In the phase when hey were combating he Khalistani militant in the late 1980' s the organization built a superb struggle network that spread rom village to village. The fact that it created bastions of mass military resistance is a complement as a result of dedicated planning, preparing the masses and the correct method of working within a mass organization.Party Politics was never imposed on the Front.It could also reach other sections like trading Communist and teachers-so integral to the mass line.
With great precision it evaluated the strengths fo the ememy and the masses co-relation with them.(studied the level of political consciousness of the masses) It's theoretical explanation of polemical issues is brilliant in the light of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse ung thought.Simlar situations took lace during the Chinese Revolution in the light of assessing the strengths of the enemy in co-relation with that with the masses and the kind of mass –political platform needed to be built.
Succesful May Day Programme(Punjab)
2 revolutionary Groups in Punjab decided that on May day besides projecting their political understanding the aspect of Unity and solidarity of trade Union forces should be emphasised.The following steps were decided.
1. Approach All Communist Revolutionary Groups to issue joint Statements and leaflets,wallposters Etc.in the name of political organisations to propogate May Day message.
2. The editor of their mass political paper should approach other revolutionary democratic papers to publish a joint May Day editorial.
3. On the level of Mass Organisations our mass leaders should approach all pro-people Mass Leaders under the influence of other democratic forces.All the participant forces should sought out a minimum common understanding which is to be projected from such platforms
4. If in any place joint platforms are not possible, various mass organizations should demonstrate together towards the end of their separate May Day Functions.
In one industrial City 'A' we had a known mass organization of amongst Industrial Workers. And influene among railway workers.At a representative meeting of various mass organizations of industrial workers, democratic Rights Organisation,roadway workers,Textile Workers and Railway Workers,telephone employees,and hospital employees.It was decided that all these organisations would have their separate May Day functions and culminate proceedings with a joint demonstration.Center of Indian Trade Unions,the upper Echelons of the All India Trade Union Congress and the H.M.S backed Out.However the local representatives of those mass organisations wished to join the front.
Before May Day a propaganda programme was launched.A troupe of about 50 workers and some industrial workers performed a march in an industrial Area.On 30yh April, a troupe of about 100 workers marched through half a dozen Industrial areas.35to 40 workers interspersed a wrestling show.
On the 1st May Morning,slogan shouting workers arrived from various industrial areas and assembled at the office.After a brief flag hoisting ceremony the workers marched to the main industrial Area.After preparatory gate meetings in colonies,a group of 70 to 80 Railway workers organized 70 to 80 torch -light procession.In the joint function 800 people,comprising Industrial Workers,railway workers,telephone employees, roadway employees,Nepali workers,Women and Students and democratic Rights activists held a rally.
The rally pased by the rally held by the C.I.T.U (Trade Union Front of Revisionist C.P.M)Rally.The organisers of that function started giving revolutionary slogans in order to hold up their participants and to prevent them from being won over by the Revolutionary Democratic Forces.Sensibly, the leadres of the demonstration of revolutionary forces avoided a tussle thus raising a feeling of solidarity with the audience of that function.
In another town 'B'the Communist Party of India had a stronghold. The Communist Party of India member had won 3 assembly elections from this constituency. Here there was ony one mass organization under our leadership comprising of technical workers of the electricity board. Our organization of electricity workers gave a call to organize a solidarity committee in support of he struggling doctors .TheC.P.I-C.PM left parties sabotaged 3 meetings demonstrating solidarity to the struggling doctors As the result of a correct method of work revisionist trade Union leaders were isolated and pressurized to form a solidarity committee of 21 Organizations.
Earlier there had been a major tussle between the the mass revolutionary Forces and the Revisionists. The Communist revolutionaries had an organisation of electricity workers which gave a call to organise a general solidarity committee in support of the Struggling Doctors. The Revisionists tried to sabotage 3 meetings involving this struggle. Most of the Organizations in the Solidarity committee were attached to the revisionist parties.In the May Day programme,the Union of technical workers of the Electricity board gave a call for joint May Day celebrations. A meeting representing 16 mass organisations was called to finalize the programme.Revisionist leaders intervened in their meeting and reflected their undemocratic approach. They tried to foil all Unity Attempts.
Ultimately 2 May Day platforms emerged-one led by the Communist Revolutionaries and one led by the Revisionists. The revisionists organized programmes to sabotage the Communist Revolutionary Programme.In the tussle the revolutionary forces captured 11 mass organisations from the Revisionists. The May Day function of the Revolutionary Forces had a revolutionary influence on the toiling people..The Communist Party of India also dominated the Trade Union Politics of the Region. However the Communist revolutionary Organisation distributed a leaflet to all mass Organisations of workers and employees jointly on May day.
Fearing the influence of revolutionary onslaught on the people they launched a major mobilization campaign for the first time. Normally they would never bother to carry out a mobilization campaign. Competing with the revolutionary organisation for the first time the Communist Party of India was forced to do so. On the day of the function the revisionists were not able to attack the revolutionaries. This was because the Communist revolutionaries projected a creditable pro-people image in the ranks of members of mass organisations.A few mass Organisations left the C.P.I.platform and joined the revolutionary ranks! In 2 small -scale factories workers were divided. A section of them joined the section of revisionists and another joined the Communist Revolutionaries.
In town C a C.P.I.leader of he area ad won 3 assembly elections fro this constituency As a result of his the C.P.I had a major influence on the Trade Union Movement. .A bitter struggle was going on between our trade Union leaders and he one's of the C..P.I.Inspite of this the Trade Union platform of the two n supported us and circulated aletter To the leaders of alL the mass organizations to join the May Day programme.The propaganda campaign of our mass organizations had a postive effect o the rank and file of he mass organizations attached to the revisionist trade Union Centre of the town.
The revisionist leaders tried to counter this influence and tried to wean over cadres against participating. Meetings wee organized to dissuade hm from participating in the May Day programme of revolutionary fores.T hey organized an alternative campaign with wall posters,wall writings,stickers and banners.Usually,there MAy Day programme was merely performing the rituals and devoid of any propaganda or mobilization but this time facing competition from the revolutionary forces they had to act positively to attract the workers. Normally the C.PI would never organize.
Five Mass revolutionary mass papers under the initiative of a political organization of India published a joint May Day message. This was the first time so many revolutionary papers supporting different lines gave a joint Statement. With another political group a joint poster was pasted. The mass paper of the Inquilabi Jantak Leh' issued a special May Day supplement supporting the mass revolutionary line. A joint May Day poster was also issued by 5 different revolutionary Organisations.
All the campaigns proved that there was a pressing need of developing revolutionary Centers of the Working Class which would consistently follow, the right trade Union policies and demolish the revisionist trade Union Centres.Although revisionist parties dominate the trade Union movement, there grip over trade Union activities and ranks is weak. One section of workers remains with the revisionists for petty political gains while the other bigger section belongs there as a result of no alternative revolutionary Centers of the Working Class.
This was a major lesson to revolutionary forces in winning over forces from the revsionsit camp I he trade Union Movement.
Anti Communal Struggle in Bihar.Mass Line trend
in 1989 during the Bhagalpur riots a campaign depicting the revolutionary mass line against Hindu Communalism and minority Fundamentalism took place. The Hindu revivalist campaign in India had its roots in the JanSangh and th R.S.S just after independence. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad a communal Hindu Front led by the Bharatiya Janata Party wishing to build a movement for Hindutva carried out a brick worship campaign at Ayodhya.Even the left Front Parties and the Janata Dal allowed this.
The Congress which had claims of being secular sent 5 lakh Ramshilas to villages all over the Country to win votes!Infact they were the source of communalism as in 1986 Rajiv Gandhi entered the Ram Janmabhhoomi in Ayodhya(God Ram's birthplace)temple and advocated Ram Rajya.Infact he was the first person to open the doors of the Babri Masjid.The Vishwa Hindu Parishad propagated that the Babri Masjid Mosque should be destroyed and a temple built. Ordinary people were diverted from their socio-political issues like Price Rise. The Riots were a necessary instrument for the Ruling Classes to defend themselves from the people's wrath at their economic conditions.
In Bhagalpur 100's perished in the riots. More than 25,000people were rendered homeless. The left Parties and the newly elected Janata Dal led no pro-people resistance and infact to win votes let brick worship and communal propaganda take place.There were some heroic mass struggles waged by Communist Revolutionaries.
In Rasaunk in Khagaria District an anti-riot organisation was formed .Plans were made to launch anti-communal demonstrations. A wall writing campaign took place raising the following slogans which were also propagated in various towns and villages.
1.All Religious minded people of India are the Children of the same Mother India. That is why in 1857 they fought collectively against the Britishers.
2.Fearing the Unity the British created disunion in the Country twice, in 1923 and in 1945to47-ultimately dividing the Country.
3.In 1947 there were 25 crores in the treasury of India,wheras at present the same India has a burden of a loan of 85,000 Crores of Rupees.
4.The American and Russian block are inciting riots through the medium of many organisations.
The Administration first refused a demonstration. The people went door to door mobilising people for a general assembly. In the harmony meeting 200 people attended consisting of Hindus and Muslims.12 Speakers spoke and people from both the communities embraced each other. A 21 member Communal Harmony team was formed. The following resolutions were passed.
1.The Babri Masjid Controversy should be resolved locally in Ayodhya through some social gathering or court.
2.The controversy should not be allowed to be a national controversy.
3.No activity should be allowed inciting riots.
4.Any Individual caught inciting riots should be punished in a Social Panchayat.
5.Any native or foreign money bag, whether he be an exporter of capital, a state Leader, A mullah capitalist, or a landlord ,all want to save themselves from the wrath of the masses, to rule and divide the people.
The following slogans were raised
1.Hindu,Muslim,Sikh and Christians are Brethrens.
2.Stop the Communal Riots
3.Stop converting religious beliefs into riots.
Such leaflets prevented riots from taking place.
In Jamalpur in Mungher district similarly people organised anti-communal demonstrations brave team of intellectuals were responsible for this. A 'Peace and Harmony committee was formed and a demonstration was organised.Anti-Communalism posters were put up. These activities prevented riots.
Lastly ,when anti-social elements of Godargama planned to massacre the Muslims of Mohinderpur Punarvas in Begusurai district ,the Harijan masses openly opposed this under a Comrade and got prepared to fight to death to protect the Muslims. The reactionary forces were forced to flee.l
In North Bihar significant mass work was done I the Khgaria egion under the guidance of the C.C.R.I.Later this section mrged with the Party Unity Section.
Here are some politically led struggles of mass line in West Bengal
On the peasant front there was a strong movement to re-organise the peasant association to build an agrarian revolutionary movement and fifth against the left Adventurist Charu Mazumdar line.Debra,a center of the militant food movement in 1965-1966 along with Gopiballabhpur was a strong base of the peasant movement under the influence of the Naxalbari movement.However due to large scale repression of Communist revolutionaries the movement got disorganised.Due to repeated political organisational weaknesses the attempt to re-organise a peasant association was not successful.
The peasant association had to continuously bear the wrath of the C.P.M gangs. The C.P.M, after coming to power in 1977, progressively aligned themselves with major sections of landlords and the peeasants.They also abused their political power to suppress the democratic struggles of the peasantry. Attempts to re-organize the peasant movement cannot be made without politically isolating the C.P.M.Below are some examples.
In Abdalipur Mouza in Debra Thana, with a population of 400, of which more than 50% were adivasis, had some vested lands.However some peasants backed by the C.P.M, forcibly felled the costly trees on these lands and constructed huts for themselves. Under, the peasant Association's guidance the people held a meeting assembling all the villagers, discussing the problem of the said lands and commonly decide the distribution of the land. The Anchal Pradhan, a local leader of the C.P.M, attempted to misguide the peasants by stating that the land belonged to a trust. However the peasant's investigated that the he lied. Subsequently the peasants forcibly occupied the lands and the C.P.M.people were made to retreat.
It was decided that the land would be distributed equally among all needy peasants. The C.P.M.leaders were furious at this and cut of the water supply to some of the lands of the peasants. The peasants protested against this and demanded a restoration of water supply. The collective struggle of the peasants enabled them to win back their water supply. The C.P.M activists continued to harass peasants individually imposing a fine of Rs 501 on a Jharkhand supporter.accussing him of abusing someone during the elections, preventing another peasant from harvesting the mustard crop, removing another peasant from his jobetc.By strengthening unity amongst themselves and through united struggles and through mutual help they retaliated these unjust, opressive acts.
At Itai village a landlord amassing more than 200 acres of land was harassing the peasants. With the help of the class collaborationist C.P.M the landlord had evicted the rightful tenants from the land There was a 7 and a half acre tank, known as Gardan Mari tank, in these lands The landlord collaborating with the C.P.M attempted to transfer the Gardan Mari tank in the name of one of the C.P.M.supporters at some price. The C.P.M.people claiming that the tank land was transferred to somebody, threatened the peasants with dire consequences if they did not keep of these lands.
The peasants made preparations for an organised offensive to combat this injustice by holding secret meetings in the village carefully planning to occupy the tank, making plans for self-defence.400 people got mobilised and occupied the tank. They accordingly divided the work.
Some peasants cleaned the tank and sowed paddy, others stood guards to major points to protect them from any attacks from the C.P.M.gangs.
After being instigated by the C.P.M.the police force came on the scene. They tried to stop the peasants from cleaning the tank and sowing the paddy. The peasants bravely stood their ground. The next day the peasants marched to the police Station and demanded a negotiation with the landlord for taking ownership of the tank. Ultimately the landlord was compelled to agree. An agreement was made to transfer the tank for a certain agreed amount. Through the collective, organised strength of the majority of the people, 35 needy peasants won the ownership of the land.
The C.P.M.could not tolerate this and attacked the peasants who were celebrating their victory near the tank. Armed gangs of C.P.M.supporters advanced but the peasants again re-organized and thwarted off the C.P.M attacks. The gang members were faced to flee. A huge contingent of peasants gheraoed the C.P.M.mob from allsides.The C.P.M mob had to simply run for their lives.
In similar fashion in Maratala the poor peasants defended their rights.The poor peasant's dwellings were not recorded. The peasant Association held a meeting and an agitational programme was launched.A demonstration of the poor peasants to Maratala was attacked by a C.P.M gang.The peasants retaliated this.The next day a protest rally was again attacked by a C.P.M gang and again the poor peasants counter-attacked.Finally the C.P.M.gangs fled.
The above struggles are ideal examples of revolutionary mass line struggles similar to the struggles of the Chinese Peasant Association before armed struggle was formally launched in 1929.These struggles trained the peasantry to organise self-defence against the C.P.M-Landlord combine building a strong Agrarian Revolutionary Movement by strengthening the peasant's Association on the basis of a broad Agrarian Revolutionary Programme.This would combat both deviations of the left and the right. association on the basis of a broad agrarian revolutionary programme.
Kanoria Jute workers struggle
This struggle started since 1993.The struggling workers were led by the Sangrami Shramik Union.The political core leading the struggle was quite small, but still the struggle was sustained for a considerable period. There was for some time a ruthless offensive on the part of the mill management to blackmail the workers. The central trade unions due to their legalistic and economist de-generation remained paralysed.The demands of the Kanoria workers was the payment of legal dues,the stopping and re-funding of wage cut,meeting the statutory obligations regarding P.F.Gratuity and E.S.I and opposing the retrenchment of 37 workers.Special emphasis was placed on organizing the fighting strength of the workers and enhancing the class –conscious workers.
The corresponding tactical line contains such pronounced elements as raising most reasonable,just and winnable demands which cannot be faulted by non-friendly quarters,boosting the confidence of workers through small initial success of victories and preparing them step by step for bigger engagements, building and cementing the confidence of the masses of the union workers and activists in the leading core in the course of struggle; seeking to make up for the inadequate development of the subjective factor through mass mobilisation,and through the creation of the required mass-organizational and political-organizational infrastructure and skilful manoeuvering of non-friendly forces and giving prompt response to any new development.
The other aspect of the struggle pertains to the state of affairs of workers in the jute industry. Thus the corresponding struggle addresses itself to the broader forces who are arrayed against each other in this general fight.aroond the pressing trade union demands in the state.It treats these forces primarily according to their respective general practices rater than their discreet acts. It lays stress on the resolution of common struggle issues at the industry or policy level rather than at the individual plant level. In this connection however the tactical line reflects the awareness of the existing inadequacy of political-organisational strength and unity of the Marxist –Leninist leading core of the worker's movement as well as the inadequacy of the mass –organisational consolidation under this core. However, by clearly projecting to the workers the general perspectives of the struggle and by making the required political preparations to launch the wide workers movement this limitation could be overcome.
The first –round victory took place as the result of a successful and massive 'Rail Roko agitation'by the S.S.U.On January 19th 1994 the C.I.T.U.leadership launched a mass offensive against the S.S.U.The S.S.U.held a parallel rally at Esplanade East.3,000 workers were mobilised and they gathered support from the peasantry.The Kanoria workers understood that the C.I.T.U.had made false claims.The workers also understood that the central trade unions the disunity within the anti –S.S.U.front.This was displayed by the A.I.T.U.C.,the trade union wing of the C.P.I. who supported the S.S.U.
On Feb.19th 1994 the mill management tried to cause confusion among the ranks of workers by opening the mill.The S.S.U. explained the tricks the management was trying to play.The masses could now see the game of the management.
On October1st the workers achieved a victory.After a long struggle the mill was opened and the workers demands were conceded after 11 months of struggle.They had fought for re-opening of the mill,payment of their legitimate dues,and re-instatement of 37 workers.
Apart from exposing the impotence of established unions the Kanoria struggle exposed the anti-people and anti-working class bias of various institutions.The class-collabarationist line of the established unions was exposed.The Kanoria workers were a significant example of the revolutionary potential of workers when they used their organised strength.,devise revolutionary methods of struggle and shed dependence of traditional methods of struggle.It is an outstanding example to the working class all over the country.What is significant is that the workers were aided by the peasantry and other democratic sections.
In West Bengal workers belonging to various factories have been reacting ,wherever a serious leadership is trying to organise the workers under the established political parties.In Indian Iron and Steel out of 16,000 workers,10,000.have joined an effort to form their own union.In Jessop ,the oldest engineering factory in India the workers formed a Yukta Sangram commiteee,leaving the old unions like C.I.T.U.and A.I.T.U.C.The workers won their demands of immediate payment of all their dues.The leaders of the committee were beaten up by C.P.I.M.goons.In protest a massive rally was launched comprising a rail and rasta roko.6 of the miscreants were arrested.In Hindwire factory the mill was closed on 27th November 1996,230 workers being retrenched.In retaliation the Workers organised the Mazdoor Manch"raising the slogan of the immediate opening of the mill.What was remarkable that several workers left the ruling Class I.N.T.U.C Union and the Revisionist C.P.M. C.I.T.U Unions to join the Front.The Manch also gained the support of different factories..
The Centre of Communist Revolutionaries also gave the base for re-organising the Adivasis into a mass organization in the Malkangiri region of Orissa.Due to right opportunist tendency of the U.C.C.R.I.M.L)Muktigami Group.(Whole organization steered towards election campaigning) there was a attempt to use activist as contestants in parliamentary elections in 1985.This was an imposition on the people.The Correct trend with the U.C.CRI fought against this and Since 1988 the mass based –tribal organization was re-organised.This struggle set the base for the major mass revolutionary Movement of the adivasis in that region.
Political activity was regularised.Mass activity was re-started,village commitees and Panchayat commitees wre re-started Agitations were launched. Collective functioning was emphasized. Representative commitees were selected.Mass organisation members were asked to draft their own leaflets, devise programmes etc.The idea that outside leadership is the centre is removed.The involvement and encouragement of common people was encouraged. Any leaflet would have to be passed only after being drafted and corrected by mass organization members in the committee.This way a sense of confidence was enthused on the tribals.
A membership mobilization campaign took place ,campaigning inew belts and consolidating the old areas, survey and investigations into various acusationsand reports brought out by the people against govt officials and tardrs an sahukars,health hazards, and other natural calamities like drought,scarcity of drinking water and Baghis was continuously take up.Repeatedlyleaflets were brought out and charters of demands prepared,rallies organized,talks with govt official conducted, workers unions of the Balimela project mobilized tosupport he tribals o My Day.Apat from this training campos were arranged for primary political education of tribals,general classes were taken on history geography and science.A special charter of demands was made.
Every May Day the Organisation renewed it's charter and the copies of the charter were distributed on a large scale. In 1992 ,the leadership of he tribal organization and the workers of Balimela held a joint programme. Workers were organized to support peasant's demands while peasants were organized to support Peasants demands.The central demands of the tribals were land, jungle and water. The 1992 May Day programme was attended by 3000 workers and peasants. People came from distant places to attend the village programme,walking for 6-7 hours.
The rally had a lightning effect with the message spreading far and wide.It reached distant places as a island region which could onlybe reached by boat and a seven to eight hours journey from Chitrakaonda and Paplur.The leaflets laid the seeds for activity in those regions A leaflet as written explaining the birth of the Red Flag,the symbol of the collective strength, sacrifice and Struggle.It discussed he specific oppression faced by the tribals and dalits(scheduled castes ) in the society)It explained the relationship between the basic demands although they were relatively small with unity could change the basic conditionsd of labour.It went on to explain that expectations from the electoral process was an illusion
. For he 1992 conference a major mobilisation program was launched. A manifesto of he organization,a charter of demands and aconstitution was finalized.Teams of membershad gone to 5 big pockest I conducting village level and Panchayat meetings.
'The glories of the past do not build up an organization It is built by a correct political leadership, capable of providing clear political vison to the people.It is also necessary to connect the struggles of he tribals to the working class and other section s of the peasantry. In the overall frame of the peoles democratic revolution, the tribals have to become conscious of their place in the overall social and political context,and relation to the othr exploited revolutionary classes.
The proletariat being the most revolutionary class has to be won over to establish a common cause with the tribals and a revolutionary programme has to be chalked out in which the leadership of he [proletariat is established.The fact that the proletariat and tribals are allies to revolutionary change of the society has to be shown and practiced.Infacti the 1970's, a section of the worker leaders from Chitrakonda working I the Balimaela DA project attempted to do this. Thus the 1992 conference was a successful one.
The work of the mass organsiation reprevted thetrend tat he C.P. emonstared in the phase before launching armed struggle-the preparation period.It refuted the trend or armed squad actions.
In Srikakulam district it made significant efforts in re- building the organization of the Girijans built in 1958 which carried out a historic struggle in 1968-1972) and it's state Unit played a great role in he holding of the 8th conference in 1989. Fraternal delegates came rom Bihar and Orissa.On October 31st a memorial for martyrswas inauguraeted.Homage wass paid tomartys like Koraana and Maganna who were killed by the police forces on October 31st 1967.
One example was the agitation for opposing the scrapping on Land Regulation Act Regulation1 of 19 70 which ensured land rights for the Girijans who had been discriminated by other classes of peasants.The non-tribal peasants continuously seized their lands and forced the Girijans to become coolies or bonded labourersThe mass organization played a major role in the struggle opposing the scrapping of Article 70 and also refuted some of the armed squad actions adopting a revolutionary democratic approach..In 1992 The People`s War Group carried out an action against a class enemy which the Srikakulam Girijan mass organization judged to be against the interests of the Revolutionary movement.
A handbill was distributed that such actions were like killing the Mosquito but not dealing with the breeding pit. Handbills were printed and distributed which propagated a democratic revolutionary approach o the squad actions . Quoting the organisatinal stand 'When certain sections of Communist Revolutionaries gain confidence of the Giriajns because of their backwardness and inniocence,the groups lose sightof heir Communist Revolutionary responsibility and develop asectarian attitude of having developd their ownareas. Of work.With this they fail in carrying out he critical task of formally taining thepeole themselves through their ow political experience class struggle.Their activities do not enable the revolutionary movement to be extended ,nor do their activities enable the broad mass to find solution to their own problems.
Groups are taking'extension of the movement' to mean extension of heir own areas and are entering into areas considered to be the 'araes' of oher groups.This reflects an incorrect aproach to mass struggles,mass organization and political struggle between the distinct lines represnted by various groups. The real jagirdar,the government is being let off.This is a dangerous trend.They exposed the defective nature of the squad actions in relation to the mass movement o the Girijan tribals. There was one leaflet which was addressed jut to the Peoples War Group on the question of agitation on the issues of opposing the scrapping of Article 70.The 2nd one was addressed to the masses in general.
A mass front of he Girijans resolved that the 'village People's Committees should be given fullpowers to decide for against all matters pertaining to the implemenatation of the Girijan acts, resolution of conflicts on the land issues in the scheduled areas,and utilisatioof the produce.The patas or all types of land should be given to he Girijans and to labourin g non-girijans,i.e,to those who are peasants as duly considered and determined by the village committees.This handbill differentiated from the compromising approach of several revolutionary groupslike the Prajapandha Group that pleaded for exemptions to certain non-girijans, holding 5 acres of land.
In Andhra Pradesh led some significant solidarity trade Union movements. were led in Bobilli upholding the correct trends. After the false encounter of 3 P.W.G encounters in 1999 the workers were organized in a strong anti-repression demonstration. This was an example of a mass protest. Earlier in the same region workers were mobilized in a massive solidarity protest against the Nell Marla Jute Mill workers firing where on January 28Th 1995 police fired on a massive protest. Here(In Nellimarla) there was a strong workers movement led by the C.P.I.M.L Towards New Democracy which was however vitiated by wrong rightist trends. The Indian Federation of Trade Unions(Trade Union Front of New Democracy Group) launched an anti-police firing Campaign but failed to launch a protracted solidarity campaign taking the issue as state repression .
This was due to such groups considering their electoral prospects(Rightist trend in revolutionary Camp)or such a joint campaign affecting their tactical line. In contrast in Bobbili the Workers Revolutionary Council politically educated the workers against state repression and a leaflet was distributed explaining the impact of the Nellimarla firing on the movement as a whole and the connection this repression had with the day to day lives and problems of the masses. The 3 handbills brought out by the Bobbili Workers Union were based on building the political orientation of workers struggle dealing with the problem as one of the working calls movement as a whole.
These leaflets served to heighten class consciousness distinct from the leaflets distributed by those of the Indian Federation of Trade Unions.(led by the New Democracy Group)These leaflets explained the need of a massive solidarity effort. On January 2nd 1994 the Rice Mill Workers Union, The Masonry Women Workers Union, and the Jute Mill Workers of Bobbili held a joint demonstration. The leaflets of the Workers Revolutionary Council in Bobbili made a significant impact on the workers of Nellimarla,Vizianaram and Vijay Wada districts.
Notes compiled from the Document titled 'In Defence of Marxism-Leninism MaoTse Tung Thought and General Line of the International Communist Movement."adopted in the conference held in January 1982 by the U.C.C.R.I. (M.L) led by Harbhajan Sohi(split from whole group in September 1979) in 1982-later became official C.C.R.I.Internatinal line I 1988.
It is 25 yaers since the U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)led by Harbhajan Sohi held it's special conference after there was a split in 1979..The conference refuted the fact that it was a policy of Comrade MaoTseTung's by underling tat Mao had never advocated it. The theory propogated that the 2nd World -West European countries and Japan were allies in the International revolutionarystrugglea against the hegemony of the Superpowers.
:In this pernicious theory termed as 'The theory of 3 Worlds" the middle forces(2nd World Countries like West European countries and Japan)have dual character and are given the role that the national bourgeoisie is given in a semi-colonial country. This force at no given stage of its development have some potential for playing a role in the revolutionary movement to a certain extent, under certain condition. Even when a tactical alliance is launched by revolutionary forces with a section of enemy forces against the principal enemy, this section dose not lose it's enemy character or posses 'dual character.'
By attributing dual character o these imperialist powers he 'three worldists' change the fundamental contradictionj of between the 2nd rate Imperialist powers an e 2 Imperialist superpowers.It no more remains an anti-imperialist contradiction,imperialism at one pole of this contradiction gets transformed into something of a higher order 'hegominism. The 3 worldists state :The 2nd world Countries exploit the pressed nations and are at the same time bullied y the superpowers. They have a dual charater ,and stand in contradiction with both the first and third worlds. But they are still af force in the 3rd world and can win over or unite with in he struggle against hegemonism.
According to such caricaturists of Leninism,it is not a question of making a distinction between the chief hegemonistic power and secondary hegoministic powers and making use of the contradicton between the 2,but the question of handling a new fundamental contradiction between the hegemonistic imperialist superpowers and allegedly anti-hegemonist imperialist powers so as to unite he latter in the world-wide struggle for overthrowing hegemonism which turns out to be the target of world proletarian revolution I it's present anti-hegemonic sate of development,preceding the stage of Socialist Revolution for overthrow ofworld Imperialism..
Even if the east European countries and Japan have a thousand and one ties with the United States and face the menace faced by Soviet Social Imperialismtheir objective struggle against the over-bearing U.S.Imperialism it o attain 'equal partnrship',So long as U.S.A,continues it's policy of control they will not cease the struggle against such control and for equal partnership.This 'equal partnership' is being sought in the predatory imperialist alliance for perpetuating and intensifying oppression and exploitation of under-developed countries, and contending with Social Imperialism for this neo-colonial loot. U.S Imperialism, seeks through it's policy of control, to limit the scope of Imperialist contention and loot o part of these powers, they,through their struggle against such control seek to enlarge the scope, and the friction between the 2 sides,o n this score, is just another dimension of thefundamental contradiction between U.S.A and these countries as Imperialist powers.
This year when Zaire was repelling the armed invasion of Soviet Union ,France supported them logistically. Could the entry of French Imperialist troops,in Zaire, with the help of Belgium, and America, to boost up the efforts of the lackey Mobutu clique be called supporting 3rd world's struggle against hegemonism'.If Cuban trroops,East German and Soviet Union military advisors were engaged in building up military forces of the lackey N.A .T.O clique of Angola in repelling South Africa Armed Invasion masterminded by U.S Imperialism thy were supporting third world struggle against hegemonism.
Mao had said "referring to the phenomenan of intensifying contention among imperialist powers:Their embroilment is to our advantage.We,the Socialist Countries, should pursues the policy of consolidation ourselves and not yielding I a single inch of land.W e will struggle against anyone who makes us do so.We certainly will support the anti-imperialist struggles of the people in Asia, Africa and Latin America and the revolutionary struggle of he people o fall countries.
'As for the relation of Imperialist Countries and ourselves 'they are among us an we are among them; support the peoples revolutions in their countries and they conduct subversive activities in ours. We have our men I their mist Our assessment of the international situation isthat the embroilment of the imperialist countries contending for colonies is the greater contradiction. They try to cover up contradictions between themselves by playing up their contradictions with us. We can make use of their contradictions lot an be one in this conection. This is a matter of importance for our external policy.
The 3 worldists give the status of sovereignty and political independence to several nations of Asia ,Africa and Latin America where independence was merely a 'transfer of power' and thus under estimate or ignore neo-colonialism.In a great majority of former colonies independence sa superficial and virtually transferred to another ruling Comprador bourgeoisie class tied to Imperialism.Even popular nationalistic regimes were replaced with reactionary regimes.
The 3 worldists defend he lackey reactionary state power in the 3rd world Countries by stating hat "By excercising the state power in heir hands, the independent 3 rd world countries have gained broader arenas and more means to carry on their struggle than in the past.T his glorifies the political role of he states of this region.
Through the eclectic method of knocking together ,into a hybrid whole ,phenomena of different order or differentiating phenomena of essentially similar nature,I nto qualitatively different categories,the '3 world theorists', mutilate the fundamental contradiction between imperialism and oppressed nations and he fundamental contradictions between the various imperialist powers, transforming he reactionary ruling clique in underdeveloped countries into the main anti-imperialist force and the imperialist ruling cliques in highly developed capitalist countries into an anti-hegemonistic force All the revisionist acrobatics of the '3 worldists are meant or selling their line of unadulterated class collaboration and tying up of the proletarian and other evolutionary forces to the boot laces of the ruling cliques of the 3rd World an the 2nd world ,both for renouncing revolutionary tasks concerning the struggles against unjust criminal inter-imperialist war.
Teng Xiaoping called for uniting with U.S Imperialism in the struggle against Soviet Social Imperialism,terming the latter as he principal enemy. The differentiation between U.S Imperialism and Soviet Social Imperialism is a distortion of logic. They say that U.S Imperialism has over-reached itself and all it can do at present is to strive to protect it's interests and go over o the defensive in itr's strategy.How can it go on the defensive if it seeks exclusive hegemony in contention with Social Imperialism.
In the criminal imperialist operation of forcible redivison of the world, where each superpower seeks to realize exclusive world hegemony ,the circumstance of U.S Imperialism having to fight in a state of strategic defensive, that is,having more to exert in retaining and consolidating it's earlier huge colonial exploits than I seizing new territories,does in no way change the predatory character of its endeavour before and during the outbreak of imperialist war. A superpower may deploy an offensive strategy or go over to the defensive in it s overall strategy, the imperialist striving for seizing or retaining colonial possessions through military means is equally predatory in both cases.It gives no scope to International proletarian revolutionary movement for meting out differential treatment to Soviet Social Imperialism and U.S Imperialism.
There is another absurd analysis where the 3 world theorists feel that U.S Imperialism has been exposed in the eyes of the World people, but Soviet Social Imperialism pretends to be a liberating Socialist power ,thus it is more dangerous. However is is a Marxist Leninist tactic o treat the politically less exposed enemy as te 'primary target' and the notoriousone as the secondary target..(3 worldists say that progressive World opini is already familiar with he true nature of U.S Imperialism and will go o fighting ai but that is not the case with Soviet Social Imperialism which wears a mask of being Socialist)Even if as some military experts claim that he Soviet Union has a marginal military edge, this would hardly have ay significance as the capability or role of either of them as a aggressive imperialist superpower would not be reduced and would be irrelevant to the formulating of policy of the international proletarian movement.
It is interesting that this debate arose within the U.C.C.R.I(M.L)Muktigami group during the struggle against the formation of a missile base in Baliapal in Orissa where Comrade Anand opposed differentiating Soviet Social Imperialism as he principal threat .This was in 1986.The Muktigamui section of U.C.C.RI upheld the 3 worlds theory ,like the Chandra Pulla Reddy and Peoles War Groups.(It was the CR.C group of the C.P.I(M.l) that first fought against it in 1979.It is only when the Soviet Union crashed in 1991 did he reality become exposed of the absurdity of the 3 words theory and terming the Soviet Superpower as the greater danger.
When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991,several evolutionary groups now differentiated U.S Imperialism as the principal danger.In the view of the C.C.R.I, it was not the offensive of U.S Imperialism, but Imperialism on the whole that had to be combated. This was because although the U.S A was militarily the strongest power it has to unite with all the other imperialist Countries to control the world markets. Only in a situation of sharpened Imperialist contention for world markets or spheres of influence would differentiating U.S Imperialism have tactical significance. The U.S, economy also has several problems . "The present day U.S Imperialist aggression proceeds as a part of the overall offensive of imperialism against the oppressed countries. Although at present there remains only one superpower in operation,it would be inappropriate to conclude ht a new uni-polar world has emerged. T he balance of forces and alignments among the imperialist powers have not crystallized, their mutual relationships are in a state of flux and their respective moves are essentially tentative.
Only after such a crystallisation and it's relative stabilization takes place would one be on solid ground to talk about the International World Order and about any polarity.I n the current situation, the aspect of contention has been temporarily relegated to a secondary position. Despite U.S Imperialis's leading role,the struggles of the oppressed peoples and pressed nations have to be direct as a matter of policy ,not against U.S Imperialism in particular, but against Imperialism as such.
Another significant aspect of study was the stand adopted by he C.C R I. on the student movement in China in Tiennamen square I I 1989 and it's approach to the Soviet Union in 1991.It highlighted the factional struggle between rightist factions within the C.P.C which were trying to win over and win over he student sections. In it's view he movement lacked a proletarian leadership.
"The student protests raised slogans against corruption and for "democracy" No organized proletarian leadership was present. Thus the reactionary elements could divert he unrest into a reactionary "Democracy"movement. The bitter faction between the 2 rival factions within the C.P.C for power between Zhao Ziyang an he Deng Xiaoping clique and the contradiction between the erstwhile Soviet Social Imperialism and American Imperialism influenced it.Workers economic demands were sidetracked.eg.price ries and unemployment.
True large sections of workers joined the agitation and the 'Internationale' song was sung. One cannot blame the students as they were fed o the propaganda of he rightist Zhao Ziyang forces.T hey were hardly aware of the gains in Socialist China where democracy was paractised to the greatest extent.The student protest were at their peak in 1985 directed against price rise, corruption, nepotism of officials ,Japanese economic invasion etc. Ultimately however they were diverted into political reform an lacked proletarian revolutionary content.
This so called democracy movement is anti-communist, reactionary and counter revolutionary THe dissenters were utilizing he growing disaffections amongst the people-students in particular against the Deng clique. This disaffection mainly urban based. The peasantry hardly participated. The confused and misled student community and sections of the working population were drawn into it. The various twists and turns and ups and downs of the movement show the leadership's links with the various contending imperialist powers and within the feuding capitalist factions of the C.P.C.itself.Fang Lizhi tc acted as Chinese Sakharovs ."
China was a Socialist State from 1956 to 1978 before Deng Xiaoping reversed policies of the state.In the Maoist era the Working class was given every avenue to assert it's democratic right and we must remember the Big character posters that came to the forefront in the cultural revolution. Corruption,unemployment and price-rise was hardly a issue in the Maoist era.I the cultural revolution corrupt officials were openly punished)In the Maoist era mass movements such as those in the Cultural revolution represented those aspirations of the Working class while in the Student Movement it expressed mainly those of the rival rightist Zhao Ziyang faction represnting Western bourgeois democracy.
It is interesting that groups like Peoples War Group and CR.C. supported the student movement .This showed weakness of proletarian politics.
After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 the C.C.R.I asserted:A section of Communist revolutionary forces is getting engaged in analyzing and debating the historical experience of the dictatorship of the proletariatand the cause of capitalist restoration in the erstwhile countries ,and is ending up with he verdicts of the alleged mistakes of Comrades Stalin and Mao. That is tantamount to affirming in practice the very link between the recent developments in revisionist countries and he past practices of Socialism which need to be refuted, and so lends credibility to the propaganda plank of the bourgeoisie.
These comrades have hardly thought over what the alleged mistakes were of Stalin and Mao and the relevance of their reviews of the available theory and practice of Socialism to heir task of countering the bourgeois propaganda. It is not clear which target group they have in mind- ,which can hardly be the common masses of the people. Analysis and debate concerning the Theory and practice of socialism amongst Communist Revolutinary forces s necessary. However open debate is for correcting or refuting ideological deviations and not for seeking unanimity of views between contending sides.A so called friendly public debate serves only to ad to the confusion of the people. It actually hides the character of the conflict of views behind it's friendly signboard thus lowering the guard of the revolutionary masses against hostile ideological tendencies, secondly it invariably projects a lot of loud-thinking and tentative stands of the participants. Organised Communist Revolutionaries are expected to provide reliable leadership to the democratic revolutionary movement o he India people, can not afford too such a thing.
The current offensive of the bourgeoise is against the concept of the Leninist party, especially the class distinctive politics and the democratic centralist organization of the party.The Communist revolutionaries should come out in defence of the party concept, but give greater attention to the building o the party. That would be he most appropriate step in countering the bourgeoisie propaganda offensive.
The class enemy would train it's guns at the dicatatorship of the proletariat, the party and the great revolutionary leaders. The class enemy's frenzied attacks should make the Communist Revolutionaries better appreciate these precious assets and prompt them to grasp, defend and promote the same vein more firmly.They should never look back and only The criticism of the revolutionary masses, for the advancement of the revolutionary cause, should prompt Communist Revolutionaries to analyze and ponder over any faults and defects and where it lies.
Fascinatingly in that period an Organisation the Central Re-Organsiation Committee of the C.P.I(M.L) attacked the concept of he dictatorship o the proletariat and the concept o the vanguard party. The organized movement refuted this .Comrade Venu advocated a multi-party system an even stated that nationality struggle was he fundamental struggle. Otherwise all groups like C.P.Reddy.U.C.C.R.I(M.L),Peoples War Group,Red Flag. Etc defended the dictatorshipof the proletariat and defended Stalin and Mao. A major all India seminar (in defending Socialism and exposing the fact that it was revisionism that was defeated). was held on July 28th at Erode in Tamil Nadu by the Tamil Nadu O.C.of the C.P.I(M.L).
Several groups participated like Resistance, Muktigami, Red Flag, Radical Students Union Etc.and unity of revolutionary forces was depicted.In Kerala the Red Flag group led by K.N Ramchandran held important meetings and rallies defending Socialism of the Stalinist era and asserting that it was revisionism that collapsed and not Socialism(East European Countries in 1989 an Soviet Union in 1991)Writers like Sumanta Banerjee and Manoranajan Mohanty also advocated a multi-party system.There was a tendency among left sympathizers to have similar views. "The C.R movement must show sympathy to those section s that strive to fight their ideological drift,however their curiosity and anxieties cannot be allowed to distort the sense of proportion and priority of the organized movement."
Today, when forces like the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement are taking ecclectical stands, the defence of the dictatorship of the proletariat is essential.R.I.M.like forces have found errors in Stalin and even distorted aspects of Comrade Mao's line.The author felt that he C.C.R.I could have taken a graeter initiative in organizing mass platforms to initiate a campaign to defend Socialism and Mao Tse Tung Thought.It also could have done a greater study of the personality cult created around Comrade Mao and Stalin and the errors of those periods.i.e.dissent suppressed by Stalin.During the G.P.C.R(1966-1976) there was a phenomenal personality cult of Comrade Mao. Empahsis could have been placed on studying the left sectarian errors of that period.
5. Notes on Communalism after the 1992-1993 Communal riots in Mumbai(View of C,CR.I)
This article from which I have compiled some excerpts was written in the aftermath of the 1992-93 riots in Mumbai where the Narasimah Govt was as responsible as the Sangh Parivar sponsored bythe B.J.P.It was the Congress Govt that allowed the demolition of he Mosque io Ayodhya and over the years indirectly or directly sponsoredH indu Communalism ,especially during the election periods(i.e.brick worship ,projecting Ramshilas,sponsoring the Hindi Communal ralleslike te Rat Yatra Etc to gain votes)
:Unlike conventional communalism.and religious fundamentalism, communal fascism confronts the people to apolitical challenge an require to be treated in tandem with major political atsks in the movement.I t is so because ,it goes beyond playing a mere diversionary and divisive roler and acts as a major channel of the unfolding class offensive of he ruling classes against the people. Becaues of that ,the struggle against Communal fascism gets bound up with the anti-feudal and anti –imperialist struggles of the people.
A platform of opposition to Hindu Communal fascism has to be a consistently secular platform, so much so tat even he issue of security and dignity of Indian Muslims must be addressed from a secular platform,it wont do to pit an anaemic liberal bourgeois secularism against Hindu Communal fascism thathas aweigt of social orthodoxy and reaction behind it.I t has to be a platform of secular defence of people's democracy against the dictat. coercion and tyranny of socio-political and religious hierarchies, a platform of secular opposition to national chauvinism for the defence of just national concerns s of the Indian people, collectively and severally.Only then can it be a militant,mas –based secular platform that can go into apolitical offensive against Hindu communal –fascism.
The main deviationist trend in the revolutionary Camp is over-estimating the prospects of Hindu Communal –fascism and seeking affront with ruling class parties to counter it .Thee is also and erroneous concept that propagates that Communalism can be fought fighting for economic-partial issues of the people. During the Mumbai riots the Working Class Centers did not effectively react,not to speak of emerging a bulwarks of resistance. Infact it was only elements of the workers and their sections, howsoever small in numbers, who initiated some optional moves by forming democratic secular anti-communal Fronts. They realised the necessity of politically responding and in factories and bastis protected Muslim workers , thwarting communal elements.
The democratic and revolutionary forces, will have to build a political offensive against Hindu Communal fascism by organizing peoples self-defence on secular line sand democratic basis.It wold be difficult o implement his in urban areas. Shirking from such a task would be inviting the wrath of Hindu Communal fascism ,particularly when the power of Hindu Communal fascism is on the rise.
T he movement has to be built up by combating the overall, economic political attacks and stepped p violence of the ruling classes.The growing process of degeneration and loss of prestige and credibility of the Indian state is paving the way for the advance of the Hindu Communal fascism trend;it is doing so still more for the India revolution.Let only revolution overtake the advance of fascistic reaction.
In revolutionary theory the C.P.I.Maoist(At the time of taking position the originations were namely the Peoples War, Party Unity and M.C.C Groups) has deviated to the right on the question of nationality movements. It supported the Jammu and Kashmir National liberation Front treating their movement like a revolutionary armed struggle, not understanding their imperialist content in their ideology.True,the J.K.L.F ifs fighting for a democratic cause of the emancipation of the Kashmiri people from the tyranny of Indian ror Pakistani rule(As decided in the pre-5o`s Plebiscite).In the pre-Independence Period the Kashmir people fought heroic struggles against British Rule and against the Maharaja Dogra.After Partition Sheikh Abdullah asked India for assistance in protection from the Pakistani troops on the condition of a plebiscite which guaranteed Kashmiri people political freedom. Nehru, violated this and invaded Kashmir in 1952.
The present onslaught of the Indian State on the J.K.LF is totally unjustified because Kashmir never actually became a part of the Indian Union.Infact the Indian Constitution provided for Article 370 which ensured the right of Self-determination for Kashmiri People. It must be remembered that the present Indian semi-colonial Semi-feudal State is a legacy of the British.
In the present Kashmiri movement there are positive aspects and negative aspects. The positive aspect is that it involves the broad masses of the Kashmir people and has also been secular maintaining the long secular tradition f the Kashmiri people. There have been several heroic clashes of the unarmed Kashmiri masses combating the Indian Para -Military Forces, in contrast to terrorist actions of militants. Despite the Hindu revivalist policies of the Indian State (To retrieve Hindutva and build a temple in the RamJanmabhoomi-Babri Masjid Area-destroying the mosque) the Kashmiri people have remained basically secular, not falling prey to Islamic Fundamentalism. The negative features of the J.K.L.F are their national reformist outlook.
They have been unable to arouse the peasantry and have also been supportive of movements like the Palestinian Intifafada and the East European movements to topple backward regimes. They also seek support of bourgeois states. This force has also been unable to demarcate from the Communalist Fascist Actions of the Muslim Fundamentalist Outfits like the Hizbul-Muzahideen,who threatened the common people.This group is openly communal. As a result of the looseness in the J.K.L.F leaders politics such Groups gained political Ascendancy.
They are also launching attacks on the Hindu Community in Kashmir to communalize the situation by dividing the people. The J.K.L.F ,unfortunately is not effectively countering such propoganda.The J.K.LF.is pegging the Kashmiri National movement to the partial political aim of exercising political determination, towards carving out a separate Kashmir State, without challenging the neo-colonial Grip of Imperialism. Only if the Kashmiri democratic Forces ,having anti-imperialist anti-feudal political orientation ,gain ascendancy, and if all the active fraternal support of all the oppressed masses is secured on the basis of common interests, would the Kashmiri National Movement be able to withstand the strong enemy pressure and the Challenge of Fundamentalist Forces.
1.The Integrity of a democratic State is determined by the national integrity of it`s people which itself is the end product of the Objective Integration and the Economic, social and Cultural Life of the People and the attendant national Consciousness and commitment.Likewise,the Integrity of a multi-national Democratic State is determined by the Voluntary Union of the Constituent nations or People`s,on the basis of equal Status, mutual respect and mutual benefit. Then ,the Integrity of a State is regarded as inviolable.
2.There is no conflict of National Interests amongst various peoples of India. Their National Interests converge on the common basics task of overthrowing the basic rule of Imperialism and it`s Subservient Indian Partners, for opening up the path of self-reliant democratic development.
3.The basic interests of the Indian People in general, as against those of the Indian Rulers, are incompatible with the National Opression of or discrimination against any of the Constituent Nationalities of India. That is the objective basis for them to raise the banner of unity of all the Indian People in contest with the Indian Rulers banner of integrity of the Indian State. Unless this objective basis finds tangible expression in their actual opposition to National Opression or relative National discrimination, the banner of all the Indian People’s Unity cannot acquire credibility with those nationalities that have grievances with their relative discrimination. The most comprehensive version of such an opposition is the firm stand of upholding the right of every constituent Nationality of India to National Self Determination.
4.The Kashmiri people have the exclusive right to decide their own national Status and identity, and that any extraneous pressure or use of force to deny or distort the exercise of this right by the Kashmiri People is Impermissible.
In a similar way the P.WG supported the U.L.F A in Assam and the L.T.T E in Sri Lanka.These organizations have not made a clear-cut differentiation between anti-imperialist and ruling class forces.Trrue,they stand for the Assamese and Tamilian people but they collaborates with opportunist forces and their politic sis vitiated with a lack of clear-cut proletarian content. The most capitulationism position taken by the Peoples War Group was to uphold Bhindranwale as a martyr during the Khalistani Movement and support the Khalistani Armed Squad actions against the Indian State. The Party Unity Group did however oppose the Khalistani terrorism. In the merger period(In 1998 when the Peoples War Group and the Party Unity Group merged) the Peoples War Group rectified this error by rejecting the Alkali Movement)
From various issues of the Journal' The Comrade' The author in the late 1980's and early 1990 was a sympathizer and activist of groups like Chandra Pula Reddy and Red Flag Groups,participating in their mass programmes .However he was not in touch with anyone from the Erstwhile U.C.C.R.I.M.l (touch only with Muktigami section in Mumbai)or C.C.RI.groups.He compiled this information from literature available.The author has compiled these notes on his own initiative and not asked by any individual or written it on behalf of any organization.(He was not a supporter of the C.C.R ILabels: U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)