Tuesday, September 09, 2008

Significance of formation of the Communist Party Reorganization Centre of India (Marxist Leninist) C.P.R.C.I. (M.L)

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Significance of formation of the Communist Party Reorganization Centre of India (Marxist Leninist) or the C.P.R.C.I. (M.L)


Written in commemoration of the 20th anniversary year of the founding of the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (C.C.R.I.) in and the 30th anniversary year of the formation of the C.P.I.(M.L)Central Team.(formed in December 1977)

This work was submitted as today to the layman the Maoist movement virtually means the armed actions of the C.P.I(Maoist) which till today have failed to imbibe the revolutionary military mass line or protracted Peoples War. In the theoretical and Practical light this compilation has enormous significance .The author is not a supporter or Member of he C.P.R.C.I.(M.L) I have compiled his work from various issues of a journal’ The Comrade’.

It is debatable whether conditions in certain areas are suitable for armed struggle but this essay demonstrates the difference between preparation for mass revolutionary armed struggles and mere armed actions. In revolutionary Circles the name of this Organisation is sometimes not mentioned like in a book titled ‘The Naxalite Movement in India’ by Prakash Singh .He mentions 7 major groups that exist in India today eg.Red Flag Group, Maoist Communist Centre,ChandraPullaRedy Group, Peoples War Group Etc.but fails to mention the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L).

I hope future authors give the organization it’s political significance. Infact it is significant today that the C.P.I(Maoist)claim it is the re-organised Communist Party of India.I have not been asked by any member or supporter of the organisatio to write this and have done it on my own initiative.


1.Introduction

A New Marxist Leninist Revolutionary Centre, the Communist Party Re-Organisation Centre of India(Marxist Leninist)was formed in August 1994 through the merger of the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India ,with the Central Team of the C.P.I.M.L (C.T C.P.I.M.L) ,the Communist Unity Centre of India and the Marxist Leninist Organising Centre. and the organisation claimed to be the one within which principally the proletarian revolutionary line has been built up .Significantly the Unity Declaration was signed in December 1993 in the month of Comrade Mao Tse Tung’s 100th birth anniversary.

After a continuous process of bilateral transactions this unity took place. The fact that it took such a long, protracted process reflects the principled approach of the Unity. Comrade S.Pratap was elected the secretary.The organization states that the proletarian revolutionary trend lies within various Communist Revolutionary groups and that the proletarian revolutionary party has still to be formed. They brought out their basic Documents in 1995 after their Inaugural Conference. This new formation is closer to Comrade Mao’s line than any other organization in India on the theoretical and practical plane.

On the International Line and on it’s analysis of the agrarian revolutionary Perspective and military line it has outstanding Marxist Leninist clarity.It has a most complete thesis of the relationship of the mass organization with the proletarian party. It explains the distinct identity and the need to function democratically within the mass organization and not impose party politics on the mass organizations. It also explains why theoretically armed Struggle and active boycott of election cannot be carried out in the present circumstances, as well as why participation in Elections is capitulationism in the present era ,without adequate development of the proletarian party.

Only with forming revolutionary alterntive organs of political power and adequate political consciousness’ can the tactic of ‘active boycott’of elections be implemented Its basic Documents explain that today the co-relation between the revolutionary forces with the enemy has not been sufficiently developed to carry out armed Struggle. It explains the meaning of creating revolutionary base areas and military guerilla Zones .

A profound contribution of the unity is not making the issue of whether 1969 formation of the C.P.I.M.L was correct or not.(It would be a matter to be decided only when the party was re-organised. Earlier this was a major controversy amongst revolutionary Groups)It is interesting that one of the components of this organization the C.P.I.M.L(C.T.)earlier insisted that the 1969 formed Organisation led by Charu Mazumdar was the actual party.

Quoting the ist Issue of their publication, ‘Thecomrade’, “This Unification brought the Party Question into Sharp Focus.It has not only emphasized the pressing need and crucial significance of the Party Re-Organisation for bringing about a new high tide in the Revolutionary Movement but also projected the line based approach to party re-organization. This highlighted the other facet of the party question ,namely the impermissibility of diluting the distinct ideological political identity of the political party.

The organisation’s insistence on the distinct political identity while seeking to build the party as the leading political core of the revolutionary mass movement of the Indian People,has not only general orientational validity but also particular relevance to the Particular situation.”It has also given significant writing on linking the trade Union movement with the agrarian revolutionary Struggle in the villages. It has a sound thesis on the Workers Front where it explains the need to develop an advanced revolutionary core of workers who could propogate revolutionary politics in the villages.

There is also a most sound International line demarcating from the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and deferring the premature formation of a Communist International from the Russian and Chinese Experience.(Remember Stalin’s Comintern was dissolved in 1943 while Mao never called for a Communist International) In West Bengal the organization has guided revolutionary democratic trade Union Struggles and promoted joint front agitations on democratic issues uniting forces of both left and right deviationist trends.They gave emphasis on the linking of trade Union Struggles of all sections of the workers Union Struggles irrespective of the political Group leading them..In Andhra Pradesh similarly it created significant trade Union Solidarity movements.

This is significant in the light of neglect of political work amongst he C.P.I(Maoist) forces on the workers front or in the urban areas. it played an important role in guiding revolutionary mass work. It initiated the formation of revolutionary mass papers and strived to develop the correct practice in the trade Unions as against right opportunist and left sectarian practices.It initiated forming a revolutionary workers solidarity platform to co-ordinate workers struggles..One Activist From Mumbai attended an Election programe in Punjab in January 1998 and thought he never witnessed such revolutionary democratic Functioning.Similar views were awarded to the Malkangari Adivasi Movement by a team of Activists from Mumbai.Even Comrade Sunder Navalkar,in the perid of the early 1990’s praised the approach of the organization.

In Punjab today the organization has adopted a mass revolutionary approach and has made the greatest revolutionary progress.(More theoretical and practical progresss than any revolutionary Group since the Naxalbari Struggle in 1969)The most significant aspect is maintaining the correct relationship between the mass organization and the political party.A movement of landless Agricultural labourers as well as that of middle and landed peasants has been built demarcating from deviationist tendencies.A Mass Based revolutionary democratic Organisation has been built to give solidarity and sharpen the anti-feudal Struggle which held ralliesof historic significance especially during the elections.

Avenues have been created for militant peasant struggles of landless labourers in pockets in the State and for miltant district or statewide peasant struggles amongst the landed peasantry.A revolutionary alternative has been projected through the Party Organisation and the manner of projection(especially as projected by the Rajjeana Campaign and the Election campaign) displays strong theoretical correctness.A trade Union movement has also been built in the towns and major cities giving solidarity with the agarian struggle which is of great significance.Revolutionary movements of the youth and students are taking place and in many areas village youth have displayed enormous revolutionary enthusiasm. In 1998 and 1999 the Organisation carried out election campaigns in Punjab which created a major impactwhere the tactics of active political campaign in contrast to Active Boycott or Participation were implemented. Other groups could hardly make any effect. The content of the party leaflet encouraged the party ranks and followers to distribute it wide for mass consumption. The wide range of issues were explained in simple language.The immediate practical alternative was projected in the leaflet so that people could easily grasp it’s contents.

The focus of the state commitees poster was on building the revolutionary movement ,with the agrarian movement as it’s axis, as an alternative The call by the C.P.I.M.Lparty Unity for boycott got no response while Groups like the Janashakti group that polled candidates got no success. Since the period of the Naxalbari and Srikakulam Armed Struggles there has never been practice so close to Comrade Mao TseTung’s mass line as in Punjab as by this organization, in the light of the overall political factor..In Orissa in the Malkangiri district an outstanding tribal Movement has been built, creating a platform for sustained agrarian revolutionary mass movement,similar to that in the phase before the Chinese Communist Party launched the Armed struggle. Or the launching of the Telengana Armed Struggle.In the light of agrarian revolutionary movement it is the most developed struggle towards attaining the mass line since the Naxalabari and Srikakulam era.

One Imortant aspect is that the Central Team group which merged into the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L) never upheld Comrade Nagi Reddy at any stage infact one time considered him to be a revisionist. However working together in Punjab in a common Front brought the 2 organisations together in the State.The C.C.R.I,(constituent of C.P.R.C.I.M.L)upheld Nagi Reddy’s line .however the 2 organsations agreed that this should not be an issue of debate.The Communist Unity Cente of India and the Marxist Leninist Organisaing Centre had in periods uphed the Nagi Reddy Line.This throws light that maybe more forces could have united earlier in the revolutionary movement ,atleast in revolutionary mass work.



2.Theoretical Notes from the C.P.R.C.I-M.L

a.Compilation from the document-“A consolidation of the Proletarian Revolutionary trend-An Advance towards he Re-Oraganisation of he Communist Party opf India’

This Unification has facilitated better understanding and more comprehensive expounding of the proletarian revolutionary line. Assimilated in the process is the cherished legacy of uncompromising ideological struggle against various opportunist and deviationist trends. The ideological struggle that various constituents of C.P.R.C.I.(M.L) waged earlier on their own and in their respective historical circumstances has now been commonly owned and its substance incorporated in a common line. By thus holding aloft the proletarian revolutionary line ,the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L) have promoted the prospects of consolidation of more party forces around this line in due course of time.

Of course, in this matter much depends on how well and son the organization ai able to implement he line and project it among party forces at large. More specifically, how well and soon the organization is able to implement and project the kernel of it’s ideological orientation, reflecting it’s grasp of the essence of building he party and building the revolutionary Movement. That is, the building of the party, is essentially, its ideological –political building; and building the revolutionary mass movement is essentially building the revolutionary political Consciousness of he masses. This unification has brought the party-question into focus. It has not only emphasized the pressing need of party re-organization but also projected the line –based approach towards achieving party re-organisation.T his is relevant in view of developing and establishing he proletarian revolutionary line.

The unification has not only to demarcate from the ruling class political forces but also from non-proletarian revolutionary forces who are allies of the proletariat I the given stage of the revolution., and even from the backward layers of the proletarian masses who have not acquired revolutionary class consciousness. The Organization’s insistence on the distinct ideological political identity of the party ,while seeking to build the party as the leading core of the revolutionary mass movement of the India people, has not only general orientational validity but also particular relevance to the present situation.

In the present juncture the international bourgeoisies has launched an offensive against Marxsim-Leninsm-Mao Tse Tung Thought and socialism. That is all the more why the broad masses instinctively seek the evolutionary Political party.

All Communist Revolutionary Organizations , having a definite line and firm conviction of implementing it, are essentially of [party character. They are parts or components of the Party that is being re-organised.The development fro the present phase into THE PARTY will be a qualitative leap in term s of development of the line an standards of maintaining party principles.

Within the C.R Camp there has been a basically correct line.(As distinct from wrong trends within he amp and revisionism) .There have bee varying degrees of its articulation and development. However the development of this line has been and still is inadequate and uneven. Ideological struggle has to be waged against opportunist trends., combined with class struggle against the adversary class forces. It also involves collective effort and ideological political struggle within the organization. Toady wit the Revolutionary Camp there are different contending lines, representing different trends. This is the chief reason for disunity.

Tactical Line

Indian people’s democratic Revolution under the leadership of he working class ,with agrarian revolution as its axis ,will inevitably proceed on the pathof protracted Peoples War.The Communist Party, the armed struggle and The revolutionary United Front are the 3 chief weapon s of the Indian Revolution. The protracted Peoples war ,with The armed agrarian revolutionary Movement as its axis ,is going to unfold itself by first liberating the rural areas and creating base areas of red political power and advancing, step by step ,towards encircling the cities. And finally capturing them-thus liberating the whole country.

However as the Communist Revolutionary camp remains a divided house, most of he prevalent ideological –political controversies linked with the practical movement are finally centred around this concrete plan of tasks and policies. The left deviationist, right deviationist and other wrong trends ressentially negate or distort the concept of building he agrarian revolutionary Movement., under the leadership of the Working class ,as the axis of the India revolution and the concept of developing and integrating the Peoles Armed Struggle. with the agrarian revolutionary movement,.

Agararian Revolution

The armed struggle is the highest form of class struggle of which the agrarian revolutionary mass movement is he axis. While the class struggle develops through a process, from lower o higher to the highest levels and corresponding forms, it is the task of the Communist Revolutionaries to, throughout all phase of the revolutionary movement to constantly educate the people in the politics of seizure of political power and to prepare hem for the armed struggle in an appropriate manner. It is the level of consciousness and preparedness of the people that determine the realization of the necessity, and launching of any form of struggle ,including the armed struggle.

While the armed struggle proper will start at a certain stage of he agrarian revolutionary Movement ,(which is objectively verifiable in terms of the actual manifestation of consciousness and preparedness of the people o seize an control the means of production and consequently thus seize and control the means of production and consequently hush seize and control the political power through their own instruments the people should be guided and prepared to arm themselves to put up self-defence and resistance to armed attacks of he ruling lasses and their agents. the party forces among masses playing the leading ole in the carrying out of self-defence –all of which is part and parcel of the process of development of class struggle to it’s highest form-the armed struggler.

International Line

The Organization upholds the Great Debate and opposed deviationist trends like the class collaborationist Three World s Theory of Deng Xiaoping as well as the Two World theory of the Hoxha clique .It also opposes the attacks on the 1935 line of Stalin. It staunchly defends the term Mao Tse Tung Thought being replaced by Maoism.

When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991,several revolutionary groups now differentiated U.S Imperialism as the principal danger.In the view of the C.C.R.I, it was not the offensive of U.S Imperialism, but Imperialism on the whole that had to be combated. This was because although the U.S A was militarily the strongest power it has to unite with all the other imperialist Countries to control the world markets. Only in a situation of sharpened Imperialist contention for world markets or spheres of influence would differentiating U.S Imperialism have tactical significance. The U.S, economy also has several problems . "The present day U.S Imperialist aggression proceeds as a part of the overall offensive of imperialism against the oppressed countries.

Although at present there remains only one superpower in operation,it would be inappropriate to conclude ht a new uni-polar world has emerged. T he balance of forces and alignments among the imperialist powers have not crystallized, their mutual relationships are in a state of flux and their respective moves are essentially tentative. Only after such a crystallisation and it's relative stabilization takes place would one be on solid ground to talk about the International World Order and about any polarity.I n the current situation, the aspect of contention has been temporarily relegated to a secondary position. Despite U.S Imperialis's leading role,the struggles of the oppressed peoples and pressed nations have to be direct as a matter of policy ,not against U.S Imperialism in particular, but against Imperialism as such

The Organisation firmly defends the term ‘Mao Tse Tung Thought’ as against the term ‘Maoism’.It explains that it is the era of Imperialism which is the era of ‘Leninism’ and that even after the completion of the Chinese Revolution and the Cultural Revolution the term ‘Thought of Mao’ was used and not ‘Maoism’.

On the Formation of the C.P.I.(M.L) or Re-Organisation of the Party

There has to be unanimity on 2 factors. One is the democratic centralist organization of he party The other is the essential understanding of the principles of e-organisation. T he question of whether the party was re-organized is one that can be settled only at he time of he Party Congress If there is essential unanimity of the 2 factors mentioned ,then any differene on the historical placement of he C.PI(M.L) need not and should not be allowed to come I the way of unification. Differences on the question of evaluation can be striven to be properly resolved I the unified organization on the basis of applying he common understanding arrived at on he above 2 factors.

And the experience been gained on practicing it. The essential understanding of e principles of re-organisation of the party involves concept of line and it’s required development and democratic centralist process or reorganization of the party. It is not enough if the line is established for the Communist Revolutionary forces already united. The line and debate and explanations clinching the solving of major problems of ideological struggle and of practical revolutionary movement should be carried to all he revolutionary ranks that are to be consolidated into the party.

Inner-party democracy is essential in functioning. Democracy and Centralism are inter-connected. Proper inner-party demoracy is essential for correction of any mistake through inner-party discussion or struggle and criticism-self criticism. Lack of it leads to isolation of party ranks isolation the party from ther peole,and to he growth of bureaucracy in he party. Lack of centralism leads to anarchism or bourgeois democracy.

Democracy and Centralism are inter-connected aspects of ssingle entity. Any inbalancce or overemphasis on one aspect deprives the party of he capacity to formulate ,develop and implement he proletarian revolutionary line. The leading bodies at various levels should take particular care for encouraging greater involvement of the ranks in the process od developing and implementing theline through proper inner-party discussons.

The party Organization guides the mass organizations. It provides constant correct guidance and practical assistance in a patient and democratic manner through secret party fractions within the mass organizations and through statements of policy on important issues from without as well as through its members as front ranking fighters of he mass organizations, the party strives to earn and establish its elation of political leadership[p with the mass organizations. In turn, the mass organizations throw up politically advanced element from which heparty replenishes its forces.

The secret party fractions in mass organizations are the main links connecting secret political work with the open mass work of the party.

In sum, the whole work of communist revolutionaries I the mass organizations is determined by he twin proletarian revolutionary objectives

1.establsihing hegemony oof proletarian revolutionary politics ovr he struggling masses

2.Developing he hidden, social-political aspirations of the people into political consciousness and transform their hidden capabilities into revolutionary self –confidence .Revolutionaries carry revolutionary politics to the struggling masses, help them in forging inner-class unity and inter-class solidarity assist them in learning and practicing heir own rights in self-governance of their own affairs, help them I acquiring the political awareness and capability of exercising their collective assertion and democratic say as against the authority and power of the ruling classes, by forging their own instru ents and apparatuses.


Concept of the Secret Party

"Some forces, in the name of taking opportunity of open activity make the whole party apparatus work openly I the name of the party, and organize mass programs and movements under the party banner. They fail to understand that the task of the party is to lead the masses in the path of protracted Peoples War. Only when masses come to realize the party politics through day to day movements. class struggles under the revolutionary leadership of the party, then only the party forces, can move like a fish in water of masses, even when they have become completely exposed. Any short-cut system of building closer association with the people by presenting the party banner and identity will open the whole party forces to the enemies. The reaction ill remain superficial.

The revolutionary party presents itself directly and openly to the masses in it's own ways and actions but dose not expose it's cadres to the enemies.

Revolutionary methodology must be adopted to lead the masses and present the party.Consistent work must be done in leading the masses in their struggles and organizations."


Principle Contradiction and character of the Indian State.

Without sharpening the contradiction between the broad masses and feudalism, the contradiction between Imperialism and the broad masses cannot be strengthened. We must ideologically combat those who place Imperialism as the

principal contradiction. Such people advocate an anti-Imperialist Front ,patriotic Democratic Front Etc.They dilute the significance of anti-feudal

struggle. Groups like the C.P.IM.L(Red Flag) and the Indian Peoples Front (Vinod Mishra)are the best Examples. Such Groups have changed the principal contradiction as between " alliance of imperialism and feudalism on the one hand

and the broad masses on the other”, or between " imperialism and the broad masses.” We have to defend the formulation that the contradiction of feudalism with the broad masses is the principal contradiction with tooth and nail.

Elections

There can be 3 tactics deployed in The elections. Either you adopt the tactic of ' active boycott' or that of participation.,or that of 'active political campaign.'In all cases the political campaign should consist of a.exposing the uselessness of he presnt parliamentary institutions.

b. explaining the impossibility of achieving political liberty and social emancipation by parliamentary methods and

c .Explaining the necessity of armed Struggle in the form of protracted Peoples War centered around the agrarian question and of establishing he organs of peoples power,i.e of peoples democracy. The crucial aspects should be made are to the people by integrating hem with examples of the pat and present experiences and by concrete exposure of the deception of he ruling classes, their institutions and political parties. The only difference I his regard of implementing the basic tactics are the slogans of action they give an he pace which with theory work. Slogans of action have to be allotted in accordance to level of revolutionary movement at a given time.

Boycott is a higher form of struggle which is associated with imminent direct revolutionary action of the masses against the state and with setting up of organs of political power . For this,the party of the proletariat should have established it's leadership over the revolutionary movement and prepared itself, politically and organizationally ,to lead the people's armed struggle along with setting up suitable organs of political; power. Without this the boycott slogan will become meaningless, and futile as far as the realization of it's full revolutionary potential is concerned. It will lead to cynical attitudes amongst the people.

On the other hand for adopting the revolutionary utilisation of participation in election as legal form of Struggle, the emergence of revolutionary democratic elements is a necessity. It need a proletarian party organization to train and control a cadre team for his specialized activity, to organise a legal front without liquidating the illegal party structure, and to link and co-ordinate the activities of its members in these institutions with the direct revolutionary struggles of the people.Othrwise it will blunt the class –consciousness of the people, blur he political demarcation between the party of the proletariat and the ruling class political parties and will be a weapon in the hands of the ruling class forces to defeat he proletarian vanguard.

At present a unified, effective and influential party is lacking Comunist revolutionaries are only in the formative stage-in the sage of re-organisatin. In most areas ,any Communist Revolutionary Organisation is yet to establish it's identity,I the field of organization and mass -political influence.The level of political consciousness and organization of the people is lagging behind their actual practice of struggle or the objective potential for evolutionary struggle.F or asimilar reason,the emergence and development of revolutionary democratic elements is delayed .It is because of this situation that he present acute political crisis is not being converted into a revolutionary crisis. A general mood of distrust of leaderships and cynical indifference to political affairs and developments that a further hurdles are being created..

But or this circumstances the C.R's could have in condition of great turmoil adopted the tactics of 'Active Boycott' and and called upon the revolutionary forces to carry out he agrarian revolutionary programme, conducted armed struggle and set up alternative organs of peoples power. In other times ,under adverse political conditions they could have participated in the electins as a tactical ploy.

Toady there are 2 serious deviations. The first one is that of carrying out 'Boycott'tactics without the scope of direct revolutionary mass action and setting up of parallel organs of political power. The second is of using participation tactics without the proletarian party,sufficient mass opolitical influence and other necessary organizational means.It will organizationally lead to liquidationsim and politically to tailism

The only possible campaign is that of 'Active Political Campaign'.They must build mass revolutionary struggles They must urge the people to rely and concentrate on their own struggle movement and organization-building to prepare for direct revolutionary mass action against the ruling classes and their institutions of political power.

In the campaign the Comunist Revolutionaries should analyse the specific features which get manifest in ruling class politics and their manouvres in elections. Eg Warring factions of ruling classes and their political representatives.T he uselessness of parliamentary institutions must be explained as well as parliamentary methods. The political objective of the working class movement and the democratic revolutionary movement led by it should be projected.

The campaign should consist of

A.Contracting the professed programmes of the ruling class parties with their actual practice and with the bitter experience of the peole in regard to their worsening economic conditions.

b. Explaining that the root cause of the economic misery is that of the semi –feudal, semi-political economy and The autocratic state structure , and that without eliminating the root cause there is no hope for meaningful change.

C .Explaining the people to depend o their own organized strength and struggle, and have no illusions of false talk of civil librties .The people must be explained the need o establish their own political power .

d. Pushing the proletariat and other sections to to pursue heir just revolutionary struggles, to build up their respective mass organizations and united Front organizations to be able to raise heir struggles to a higher plane and establish their own rule. Peoples Democracy to be executed through genuine representative institutions of the people-the revolutionary organs of political power.

e. Explaining the road masses the features of he new people's republic that they are fighting for, in the interests of the various revolutionary classes.

In the present day context 2 points are of exceptional importance. The first one is.

a.Exposing the nefarious role of ruling class parties in utilizing communal sectarian divisons among the people, explain the connection between the electoral needs of the party and the lives of the masses and tell the masses about the need to rebuff such dirty manouvresof the ruling class parties.

b.Explaining the people the need to build heir own reliable political instruments. i.e the proletarian party organization,the united Front organization


Notes on Elections. In 1996.

The masses need,the demonstration of mass revolutionary activity which can step by step lead hem to practice revolutionary democracy through heir own mass organizations the nuclei of political owr against he concrete manifestations of the power of the ruling classes and ultimately the state power itself.To move away from the present parliamentary system and towards real democracy –peoples democracy people must taste their preliminary democracy day to day hrough their struggle organizations. They must know heir organized power and its democratic nature..They must know the democratic role of the organized power by seeing it make their just say prevail progressively in matters concerning their work and life.

Essential message for Communist revolutionaries and general democrats

b.Approach to Communist International-

compiled from Journal-The Comrade-This piece has particular polemic significance I the light of the setting up of a Communist International. Toady the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement is virtually a non-entity and the CO RIM has virtually split from the RIM. Parties in Nepal and Peru have virtually capitulated. In India too groups like the C.P.I(Maoist)have polemic weaknesses on questions of line.2 earlier constituents of the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L),namely the C.C.R.I. and the Central Team waged significant struggles on this issue.

1.The vanguard the Communist parties , practicing proletarian internationalism have to exist. International Communist Unity and concerted action of Communist parties have to exist. The proletariat in each country fulfils it’s internationalist duty by striving for carrying out revolution.

2.Carrying out revolution I one’s own country and striking at imperialism worldwide are distinct though inter-related he 3rd International took p this task .Unfortunately it dissolved itself in 1943 when it found that it’s form was no longer suitable

3. Ever since the dissolution strong efforts have been made to establish proletarian internationalism with their own revolutionary practice. This was initiated by the C.PC from it’s lessons of a protracted Peoples War.It valiantly ought the revisionism of Kruschev.

Since the fall of proletarian power in the C.C.P. there is no Socialist base in the World. History remembers that despite the achievement of C.P.C under Mao ,the party did not go towards establishing he Communist International or establishing an International Organisation. Instead it stressed for he Communist Parties of the camp to apply he universal truths of Marxism-Leninism in the concrete situation of their country. It emphasized that other countries should not copy the Chines Experience to-to but apply the Chinese experience in accordance to their own condition.

The main reason for the C.P.C’s caution was a .Imperialism was devising through its local regimes new forms of neo-colonial rule and only a native communist party could analsye and review such situations. An outside force could not grasp the concrete reality. Thus he necessity of political independence of each country’s communist party.

b.Chauvinistic tendencies may develop under Communist Parties .The more developed and advanced may act chauvinistically and deliver big-brother ttreatment to the less developed or successful parties.

The victory of a revolution in a country under he leadership of a Communist Party indicates that certain crucial contemporary problems of he revolutionary movement have been resolved by it ,and thus the experience can be passed on to Communist Parties of othe Countries.At presnt there is no such party in the World..The ideological political struggle against Oppurtunism withi the revolutionary Camp is firce and bitter in each country.

A dialectical process involving unity of Communist Parties is required. Mutual exchange has to take place Actual experience should be shared, which would pave the ay for more advanced form s of collective positions on issues and ralying of more forces worldwide. Mutual Exchange and Common stands,bilaterally and laterally,,and multilateral platforms on the basis of the general line are required

Today in India and in other Countries the reorganization of he Communist Party is still in the process of being realized It is crucial to struggle to implement the correct line and establish its content with opportunism. In this process Communist revolutionaries have to strive to achieve unity on the basis of settling various line questions in connection with the revolutionary practice of the masers of the Indian people.

c.On question of United activities against Imperialism.

Wrong tendencies.-This is particularly important in the light of events like M-R-4 which are struggling against the offensive and the tentaclespf Imperialism and globalization.There have been strong defective tendencies in the handling of anti-imperialist activities

.

1.Artificially inflating mobilization.

This leads to the wrong political emphasis of trying to increase the number of participants in mass actions through non-revolutionary method sof mobilizing people. Sections of Communist Revolutionaries seek to push people into mass actions merely by influence of certain mass leaders ,or the discipline of he mass organization under the leadership,.What is really needed is to increase the people’s participation in these mass actions with a revolutionary perspective is to make strenuous efforts to disseminate anti-imperialist consciousness among the struggling people through a difficult and protracted process of political education and propaganda linked to their life-experiences and concrete struggles. Some comrades concerned are very eager to make people quickly join the anti-imperialist movement ,so they adopt short-cut methods.

Tendency to feel nothing can be done singe-handed. Due to scarcity of numbers certain comrades that work can only be implemented in a front with other organisatins.True unity is an urgent objective but it an lead to overdependence on just united activities Communist Revolutionaries and diverts attention from he principal task, namely the development of the anti-imperialist consciousness movement.

The most important task of the Communist Revolutionaries is to expand the relatively developed layer of he people which is he core of the anti-imperialist movement. This layer serves as the main base of political mass actions now organized by communist revolutionaries.

The main form of activities I are pressing class demands and make each section of people understand how the imperialist policies are hurdles in the achieving of every specific demand of that section.

The 2nd form is that of organizing special mass campaigns ,pressing anti-imperialist political issues. Here the communist revolutionaries propagate how any specific imperialist policy is detrimental to the interests of all sections of he people, and thus al section s of people need to unitedlys truggle against Imperialism. Efforts are needed to reach sections opposing neo-colonial dominaton.

A very important factor is the mass platforms must be made distinct from the party organizations. There is a strong tendency that believes that the image of their party organization will be negatively affected if he content of anti-imperialist policy I projected by any joint platform is deficient.

Thy have the notion that their party organization is directly accountable for the performance of thejoint platform. Thus they impose a higher political content or higher level of activities onto he joint platform.

The Organisational set-up or united activities is a major factor. There are various violations of discipline united mass platforms where political organizations wish to impose their content.

To one extent or the other the practice of mutual co-operation and Unity among various CR organizations carries on with certain positive and negative features. The experience of this practice can indicate to what extent there can be real-struggle unity or united activity on any political issues between the concerned organizations ,and on that basis what level of political content the united activities can undertake. The political content and organizational discipline of the common platform should be determined on those experiences. It cannot be determined on he basis of formal; political agreement between the concerned organizations nor merely under compulsion of the objective need for united action.

Real Struggle Unity among several organizations participating in united activities can be at various levels .Thus only a single platform for united activities of all these organizations is needed. Where the formal political agreement among certain C R.organisations may be of a higher level but real struggle-unity is at a lower level ,the structure of he common platform should be relatively loose.

Nature of Cadre force deployed.

Certain cadre force should be specifically deployed t should have a certain level of skill. This is because there would be several people unrelated to the democratic revolutionary movement, but having some level of anti-imperialist Consciousness. They may not be able o accept Communist revolutionary activists as their leaders. Thus activists have to be more flexible and imaginative, while themselves having a solid grasp of orientation.

Wrong tendencies include organizations trying to push through elements of their maximum understanding ,instead of trying seriously to thrash out minimum common understanding. for the specific purpose of the joint platform. They misuse the stage of the joint platform, ,by propagating their own views.

This also throws light on the defective functioning of factions s of the BKU(Ekta)in Punjab. Here revolutionary politics was imposed through mass actions imposed on the organization..This view professed that there is an absence of revolutionary political propaganda among the ranks of the Union, wheras the peasants are yearning to know and assimilate revolutionary politics .Attempts were made to force revolutionary politics down the throats of peasants. They unleashed direct propaganda –without any attempt at revealing he linkages of politics with peasant problems by guiding the peasants through experiences of Struggles.

The peasant’s concern is always centred around their problems. Thus, they are interested in knowing and assimilating those elements of political conceptions, promise and phenomena which seem to hem concretely and directly related to the causes and solutions of their problems. Herin lies the significance of steering them through mass struggles linked with the experience of their daily lif.Therfore,it is essential that the Union build the struggle movement not only for defending the peasants in the face of the daily ruling class attacks but also for inculcating political consciousness among them. However as much political propaganda one may otherwise carry on,p peasants cannot imbibe revolutionary consciousness unless they have been guided by the fire of mass struggles. Politics has to be integrated with the needs and problems of their mass struggles.

The followers of wrong thinking are smuggling I their intent to directly propagate revolutionary politics by forcing he Union into joint activities with organizations professing Communist Revolutionary Ideology. Presently there is no ground for this.

Revolutionary Groups or parties which aspire to politically develop the B.K.U Ekta should propagate politics amongst peasants from their own platforms and should educate and organize them for struggles. As the number of members, activists and leaders influenced by such education and propaganda increases ,the situation would become increasingly favourable for preparing the internal basis for the development of he Union.

There is also undemocratic functioning within he Union. They adopt methods like forming fake city unit of the peasant organization by recruiting some employees, shopkeepers and persons belonging to no –agricultural professions in order to install a political person from outside the Union into a leadership position. They do this to convert he peasnt organization into a forum for propagating their politics.

3. Struggle reports from Areas


1.Orissa.



Here the tribal organization in the Malkangari region exhibited great political and organizational potential.

It has been an example of an organisation with mass character and practicing democratic functioning. It has fought for immediate ,partial demands as well as political demands.It has instilled in the tribals that through their struggles and through the medium of their mass organizations, they can become the alternative centers of power and authority. The Sangh has also shown the importance of assistance from the class allies ,particularly the working class. The Sangh has shown that people when organized can govern their own affairs and collectively assert their authority. The tribals were thought to place faith only in their own organized strength. An important activity to achieve this end has been the steadfast exposure of although ruling class institutions and propoganda.The Sangh has also been an effective answer to the Left Sectarian line of Armed Squads of a major revolutionary Group. Who though function with the utmost sincerity and best intentions ,do not take the path of involving the people and forming genuine organizations with a genuine mass character. The revolutionary forces working within the Sangh have done their utmost to maintain the balance between de-centralization of Committee Activities( to promote democracy and give the lower mass sections more opportunity to assert their authority),and maintaining proletarian revolutionary leadership (so that the mass organization is prevented from ultra-democratic.



What is significant is that armed militant struggles of the Adivasis have taken place to defend their rights. They have confronted Imperialist sponsored projects like H.A.M.C.O and a pipeline company ,which is of great significance-in connecting to the anti-imperialist Struggle. Land grab seizures have taken place thus setting up a spark for agrarian revolutionary struggle. Unique forms of struggle have been devised applying the politics of the Chinese Revolution or Mao Tse Tong Thought .A mass armed agrarian peasant revolutionary struggle has yet to be created and the Adivasi Organisation is at a preparatory stage. It is one of the greatest movements of its kind in revolutionary struggle world over. No tribal movement has been as close to the mass line for half a century or exhibited such democratic functioning.The leadership of the Communist revolutionary organization is exemplary even if it has not given call for armed struggle.Most innovative methods of work were innovated and Mao Tse Tung Thought was brilliantly applied.



In the 13th Parliamentary Elections the organization gave a classical l attempt at carrying out the mass line. The Executive committee of the organization planned to concentrate it's election propaganda in the selected belts of the mass organization rather than carrying out an extensive campaign throughout the mass organisation's influence and work. The organization was divided into propaganda teams which would be sent through different pockets to organize mass meetings and suitable gatherings. The mass organisation's leaflet was prepared by the main leadership of the Sangh.However it was first thoroughly discussed in the steering committee and the draft was later improved after taking into consideration suggestions.An extended meeting of mass activists were organized on the election Issue.12 teams were appointed comprising 2 to 7 activist. Most of the teams concentrated in the Central Zone and the H.A.M.C.O.Zone2 Teams campaigned in the ChitraKonda Tapu area while one team went to the Tendki-Challanguda area for campaigning.



The meetings were well attended, at places in hundreds. The TRIBAL PEOPLE PARTICIPATED IN DISCUSSIONS,RAISED QUESTIONSIN RELATIONSHIP TO THEIR DAY TO DAY ISSUES. The people invited the organization to form bodies in their respective areas. The most discussed topic was that of lad and forest. The gains achieved under the leadership of the Sangh were explained in contrast to the promises of the leaders. The tribals expressed their disillusionment with the leaders and on their own thinking promised to not participate in the elections.Sangh leaders displayed creativeness in their organizational skills. With regards to an issue in Moupadar Panchayat the Sangh team opted for a gathering to resolve the issue. The Sangh leaders argued that the tribal was not a political thief and fined him only Rs 100 and got an apology from him, the people retorted that the police wouldn't let him go without fining a minimum of Rs 5000 Through this Incident the Sangh leaders explained the distinction between contradictions among the people and the contradiction between the enemy and the people.-the exploitation and oppression of the tribals at the hands of the police, authorities and exploiting classes. Highly impressed the tribal people gage at least 17 concrete examples of such police exactions.



At One place an all Woman Sangh team posed as a Congressman who wanted to buy the people's votes. The Tribals, identifying with the Sangh demanded land and ordered them to get out. Only when the team disclosed their identity did the people warmly receive them. Using the occasion ,the Sangh explained the significance of land and the way to acquire It.-as a method of solving various other problems of people. In another village where forest Committees were grabbing people's lands, the Sangh team offered Rs.2,000 Per acre for land and demanded offers for sale of land. One person agreed to sell hislandThe people in the gathering argued with this person, asking how he could think of selling his landing the course of the discussion, the Sangh team revealed their identity and laid bare the govt tricks to create disunity amongst tribal people and garb their lands



In some villages the people combated the Bharatiya Janata Party leaders. The leaders were questioned and the tribals stated that they would alternatively vote for their own axes, the handle of the plough, or land Etc.In an isolated mountainous village which the Sangh had never visited before, the people warmly received them and explained how they had heard of the Sangh's struggles. They narrated that they were searching for the Sangh for a considerable period of time. They narrated the futility of elections. Their houses had been totally drenched in the monsoon due to poor roofing. One tribal told the team "Do you no why my loincloth is so dirty? Because I do not have a second one."



The teams explained the real political alternative ,the need of organization and Struggle and the importance of land and forest Issue The people were involved in lively discussions and related the politics to their day to day issues. The Sangh team was not able to convince the people that they should boycott the polls. However they assertively put their stand that they were for organization and Struggle, and that it was upto the people to decide whether to participate or not to participate in the election. In one area the organization emerged as a parallel Institution. A clear polarization took place between the pro Sangh and anti Sangh forces .Like a torrent overflowing a spontaneous poll boycott took place in the tribal villages where the people swept the villages.



Overall the Election campaign was a great success. New Units of the Sangh were created. Existing Units were consolidated and the organizational and political Consciousness of tribal was raised.5 points were worth noting.



1.Discussion meetings were much more effective than rallies. They help more in understanding the people and their problems and in communicating the Sangh politics.
2.Struggles and campaigns of local issues would be of great assistance in consolidating the organization h.
3.Need of regular Interaction of organization Units
4.The Tribal people everywhere displayed their strong urge for organization and Struggle. The Enemies offensive has stepped up. An Effective mechanism for struggle and self –defence is the immediate need.
5.The Activists need to develop a propaganda method redressing the people's grievances. In the course of political campaigns, they would only listen to the campaigners when their grievances were adhered to. Stereotyped methods of propaganda need to be replaced by a more creative variety compatible with the understanding of the Adivasis which would spiritually elevate them.

Another Remarkable aspect of the organisation’s s functioning was it's methods employed for selecting areas of consolidation. Certain Small Pockets were chosen and cadre were deployed in those places. The leadership ensured that the selected areas were accessible transportwise.I n this way the cadres could conveniently relate their experiences and communicate to each other. In this way 3 small pockets within a stone throw of each other were selected.



The Forest Corporation, Forest Department and timber Mafia were cutting reserve forest trees. Their excuse was that it's purpose was to provide housing material for the Cyclone affected. The people protested only when the mafia began cutting in large quantities, with mechanized Saws. Instead of cutting 19 trees which the forest department had given permission ,the Corporation cut off 600 trees. The Sangh exposed this to the people. All the Adivasis were mobilized and the Sangh opened up a camp at the site of the cutting. Day and Night guarding was deployed. This movement enabled the guilty forest officials, guilty conservators, and Corporation officials to be prosecuted hey were suspended or transferred. I n the Panchayat where the people had lost land to the Balimela dam the Forest department began grabbing land for plantation. The Sangh uprooted the plantation.

The Sangh felt it was the need of the hour to consolidate. The Sangh's view was that local activist's local activists should be given the role of running the Sangh and conducting protests. That are had witnessed bamboo and timber Struggles in recent times.



Education of cadres



The Sangh adopted most innovative methods of Imparting Marxism Leninist education amongst the triblal.It must be remembered that Comrade Mao always emphasized the need of revolutionaries to explain revolutionary politics through the people's idioms in most accessible terms. Comrade Mao stressed on the need to write simply and overcome a stereotyped party style of writing. One of the major factors in the Chinese Communist Party's revolutionary success was it's ability to reach the people through their idioms and lively style of writing.The Malkangiri Adivasi Sangh used storytelling,songs and dances ,hunting and dramas for education. Once theAdivasis get the conception,one has to reduce the conception to rote,for easy recall.The aim was to build a long,steady,repetitiveand interesting learning scheme.The organizer has also to emphasise on taking notes .Even rote,after being properly formulated ,must be abbreviated to failitate easier memorizing.T he organizers must silmuntaneously involve them in struggles and connect their instinct to fight to this.



After every struggle the organizer must review the experiences bit by bit,so that the activists can analyse their mistakes,weaknesses or defects in orientation for themselves compared to the correct orientation,and thus feel the necessity to rectify their errors .Illiteracy is the major obstacle to educating the Adivasis.The Adivasis know letters but are unable to use written language.Tribal culture s mainly oral,so participants are often reluctant to take notes.The Organiser has to train in taking notes after explaining them the positive qualities of the written method as an instrument of knowledge and action.The participants have to be convinced that oral methods,however good is insufficient because they have to withstand and combat the ruling classes who are most adequately equipped with the resources of the best knowledge stored in computers and the cleverest intellectuals who are their paid servants. However the organizer has to innovate different techniques and methods by which the learning becomes more related to the day to day lives of the tribals.This learning should relate to their struggles and must incorporate a picturesque,lively style giving buoyancy to the Adivasis in Struggle.The Organiser must always refrain from criticizing the people from labouring classes.Instead the hypocrisy and the vanity of the oppressor classes should be condemned.The Sangh has deployed the use of folk tales of Indian Culture depicting class significance. Fraudulent land transfers,cases of exploitation and their modus operandi and the role of moneylenders ,bureaucrats,c ontractors and politicians were explained through this way. With regards to cadres neglecting taking notes the following story was told.



There were 2 brothers in a village. One was cultivating land,the other was as School teacher.The wives of the 2 brothers did not get along.The younger brothers wife did not perform housework on the pretext that her husband earned ready cash.T he Elder brother's wife was annoyed by this and demande that her husband take up a job.The elder brother left the house to got o a faraway village where he organized a Catshali.S ince he was semi-illiterate he took the assistance of an older boy asking him to take the classes. When an officer came to inspect the school the elder brother left the school premises giving a reason of suffering from diarrhoea. Somehow the younger brother got his address and came down to see his brother. The elder brother repeated the trick by going to the jungle with a container full of water. However later he found his brother and embraced him .The younger one aslked, "Despite being illiterate, how are you managing the school?". The older brother explained his standard tricks. The younger brother asked him how long he continued like this. The older brother said, "As long as I can push."



The organiser explained, "Whatever tricks one may follow, can one rise by this to a higher level? Can one by such tricks be able to deal with and develop militants? So should not one try to sincerely practice and know the use of written language? The effect of the narration was spontaneous.10 to 12 Comrades now sat together reading political literature and taking notes!
Another Story was narrated to explain the political resolution among selected comrades. This story was from the Panchantatnatra ,a compilation of folk tales.Birds ,while flying over a hunter's net saw the rice strewn beneath. One old bird argued with the younger one that since this was uncommon in a jungle,,they must avoid pecking at the rice .The young and smart birds argued that the older bird could have been correct but since they were hungry and a hungry stomach defied logic they would go down and eat the rice first. They explained that they would face the danger collectively. All the birds went down to catch the rice and got trapped in the net. he old bird advised the younger trapped one's to assemble all their strength and fly towards the sky.T hey flew headlong to the sky along with the net. The hunter came out of the bush and flung his stick at them; but it failed to reach them. The old bird then instructed the younger birds to go to a mouse, who was his old friend .All the birds assembled there. The old bird requested his friend to cut the net with his teeth. He obliged the old bird, and all the old birds were released.



United States of America and all of imperialism are hunters. Their aid and loans are but strewn rice.The conditionalities of the loans are the net. Our party is the old bird.The smart birds are eager in pecking the rice.The more they peck it,the more they are trapped by the net. The mouse represents. the proletariat.The younger birds listening to the older bird to fly towards the sky and with the help of the mouse cut the net, represents the peasants with the help of the proletariat bringing about the people's democratic revolution. Another story was narrated to explain the differnce between form and content.



A king was very fond of his pundits and organized discourses in his court. His minister thought of a trick to discourage the king from the practice of emptying the treasury for this purpose, and proposed to allow him to test them. The king agreed. he minister arranged their accommodation in a King's inn,and gave them some money to purchase materials to cook for their meals. The grammarian went to the milkman. When the milkman was milking the cow,he uttered some words which, according to the pundit, were grammatically wrong. He objected to this. Hearing this interference the cow kicked the milk bucket. The milkman enraged, slapped the grammarian, who therefore came back empty handed. The musician was boiling the rice .When the rice started bubbling,he started to beat the vessel to the tune of bubbling. But when it doubled his singing got disturbed. In rage the musician broke his earthen pot in which the rice was being cooked. The Ayurved specialist went to purchase vegetables,and found fault with each vegetable EG.would create gas,affect skin Etc.He came back empty handed. The astrologer went to get fuel wood, and climbed a tree The Lizard then shrieked. Taking it as an ill omen, he climbed down Another lizard shrieked below. The astrologer remained in the same position throughout the night till the king's men came in the morning and rescued him.T he 5th pundit ,a logician went to procure ghee. Coming back he asked himself, "Is the container the form and ghee the content or vice versa?"To test this he turned the container down ward,a nd 6the ghee spilled out. The logician danced at the result.(Ghee is the Content and container is the form)Thus all of them remained hungry, and he king realized how worthless are the pundits!



Such stories explain the difference between form and content. The last story was used to explain a resolution from the basic documents of the Revolutionary Group.



Another significant story this time with regard to attending classes was told. Adivasi Comrades repeatedly nodded their heads without having understood what was explained in the meetings.



A Pundit was explaining the Bhagbatas to some villagers.The night was advancing and all the devotees left the place,bar an old womanThe woman was observing the scanty beard of the old pundit and tears were falling from her eyes.She explained she was weeping for her goat whose beard resembled the Pundit's one.



The Organiser explained that the intent looks being misleading,like that of the old woman showed the importance of getting the points explained.3 months later in the same class an organiser asked the participants if they followed.A woman comrade replied "I am really looking at your chin."Thus the organizer re-explained the same point.Such narrations stress the importance of organizers trying to understand facial expressions or physical participation of the participants to understand the extent t owhich they have understood them.



In the formative days of wok classes used to take palce on the
1.Sangh's manifesto
2.Sangh's charter of demands
3.history of Adivasi Struggles
4.class Analysis
5.Weaknesses of the peasantry.
6.the State
7.historical materialism



Thus through effective cultural modes term slike democratic Centralism,communism,cadres,the Revolutionary group's name,names of different Marxist heroes,names of Isms,historic events like Paris Commune or October Revolution,names of Countries Etc.

The Tribal organisation’s (or Sangh) Struggle has become a textbook for a comrade on how to implement mass agrarian revolutionary struggle. The Sangh has not only recaptured land for the Adivasis but has also organized heroic self-defence. The Sangh always made a sound tactical assessment of the Enemy's strength. The greatest struggle waged by the Sangh was the Padmagiri-Pandrapani Struggle against the onslaught of the contractors, politicians and adminstration. The Adivasis waged death-defying resistance against the criminal looting of forest assets. The forest contractors, politicians and administration formed a joint team in denying the Adivasis their forest assets. The struggle involved the Adivasis right to security of land and right to control their forest assets. A contractor Subhash Chandra Bose with the collaboration of the local politicians and the adminstration was carrying out mass felling of trees.The Sangh had to devise adequate methods of winning the confidence of the people. The Sangh team walked for days raising revolutionary slogans. At first the masses failed to respond out of fear, but after protracted campaigning they were eventually won over. One youth who was won over by the Sangh played an instrumental role in mobilizing the tribal villagers. Villagers now came ontothe stage with traditional weapons and volunteers were sent to other surrounding villages. Heroically the villager's detachment resisted the might of the contractors army, assembled in a truck. The Aduvasi team blocked the road. What was significant here was the winning over of Adivasi labourers who were a part of the contractors' Army. It was explained to these sections that they were oppressed Adivasis and were fighting on the wrong side. This heroic struggle instilled a sense of confidence which spread to other districts of the State who took up extensive propaganda and mobilization work. The story of the peoples' heroic deeds had spread far and wide. The struggle gave the Sangh activists renewed courage and gave realization to cadres and militants that their numerical organized strength can not only contain the enemy forces but defeat them.

Later in Padmagiri 6 to 8 self-sufficient Sangh cadre emerged capable of leading struggles. In Tulengudu-Kanjoli pocket, the Adivasis of all villages opposed fresh felling and on their own initiative set up 2 or 3 defence checkposts. In Rangamatiguda-Podarappali pocket the people's development was even greater. Collectively, they discussed with 6 Koya tenants from whom the contractor purchased trees and launched an agreement with them. A series of all-round repression and attacks were launched by the Enemy forces. These met with heroic resistance from the Adivasis. Art Rangamatiguda on January 16th, at the time of spot verification, the contractor's men broke all limits. The masses clustered in large numbers, armed with traditional weapons, resisting the attempts to negotiate a settlement with the contractor. The people beat up a Congress politician Burda, an Agent of the contractor. The womenfolk gheraed the collector. The fury of the people was like a fire burning and the officials were

forced to flee.Burda retaliated with the armed might of the police. The police went to the extent of taking the Sangh leaders into custody. All the democratic mass revolutionary leaders of the Sangh were arrested. To protest the arrests, on

17th January the Sangh members armed with traditional weapons encircled a police Camp at Padmagiri Panchayat blowing their horns. The people took hold of 12 policeman and locked them in a room of the Panchayat's Office in retaliation. On the 20th and 21st, 500 people encircled the contractor's trucks with traditional arms, pooled dry wood around the tyres of trucks and warned the contractor that unless the trucks were unloaded, the villagers would burn them up. (Earlieir on the 19th the contractor gave the Tulenguda peasants respective passbooks, stating that he had deposited Rs 2.60 Lakhs in their name, which was the price of the earler felled trees. On January 20th-21st he brought 7 trucks and loaded them with timber at the

discussing with the available Sangh cadre, made a route march in batches of 50's covering the entire 50 to 60 Km., in a determined bid to fight back. Everday scores of Adivasis were visting the arrested leaders at the Malkangiri Jail. They even proposed to break the jail but the arrested leaders persuaded the militants not to resort to any such actions. However on January 28th-29th the Adivasis wrote an epic. The contractor deployed his full forces to overthrow the Adivasis. He arrested 3 Sangh cadre and captured 10 truckloads of timber. When the word reached the villagers, 2500 people protested with traditional weapons. The Sangh cadre demanded the release of the captured people. Ultimately the Sangh cadre were forced to resort to bows and arrows. The contractor's forces escaped in jeeps. The people caught hold of 5 of the contractors men and took them into hostage.During the entire period of the enemy's all round attack, the democratic revolutionary mass leaders were in jail while the main Sangh cadre went underground. However the people's mass revolutionary resistance held the enemy forces at bay. The Sangh cadre's vigilance a preparedness was instrumental in this. Eventually on February 2nd the democratic revolutionary mass leaders were released. The correct tactical and democratic approach of the Sangh had great relevance. Against such a mighty oppressor, through upholding a democratic approach of relying on the mood and direct action of the people at various places. Significantly the Sangh did not raise the issue of the criminal felling of forest trees at first. At first it had to deal with the fear psychosis instilled in the people. The Sangh was thus left with the task of explaining different aspects of the fraud created by the enemy so that people would begin to understand the issues at hand and express their discrepancies and desires in respect to them. The Sangh negotiated these problems by taking up the forest issue from the perspective of the Adivasi's immediate grievances and on the other hand leading from the Front the people's blockade of the transport of timber by the contractor.













2.Punjab



Rajjeana Conference on November 12th 1994.



IN Punjab the ‘Naxalbari martyrs commemoration committee’ staged a martyrs' commemoration conference on November 12th, 1994. In Rajeana,in Punjab the Naxalbari martyrs commemoration committee staged a martyrs' commemoration conference on November 12th, 1994 commemorating Comrade Bent Singh Rajeana,a martyr of the Naxalite Movement in 1972. A committee was formed for this purpose.This was called the committee for commemorating the martyrs of Naxalbari.The committee took 2 things into consideration.The first was that the content of the platform should be easily understood by the common people. The second was that no controversial point should be raised in the platform.No mutual criticisms should be launched from this platform.It should not be a forum for debating mutual polemics.The maximum revolutionary forces should be launched around it. It was not in the agenda to pass judgement on a particular organization. It was decided that all the martyrs would be treated at an equal level and no discrimination would be launched as regards to a particular group.They would all be treated as Naxalbari martyrs.There were groups in Punjab which took correct positions on certain questions of the line while took a right opportunist position on other questions.The C.P.I.M.L.Janashakti was an example of this.It was decided that even if a revolutionary group was affected by the chief opportunist trends of the day they and their group would not be discriminated against.Tributes would be paid to all as martyrs to the revolutionary movement.



Only 2 groups seriously adhered to the programme,namely the C.C.RI and C.T.C.P.I(M.L).(later merged into the C.P,.R.C.I-M.L)Credit for the eventual success of he conference went to such organizations


Problems were caused by the R.C.C.I.M.L and the C.P.I.M.L.Party Unity.The former raised the controversial topic of the 3 world theory,formation of C.P.I.M.L.and land to the tiller.The Party Unity group decided that C.P.I.M.L.Janashakti should be treated as a genuine communist revolutionary organisation. And it's Punjab unit should be invited to form the committee.The Janashakti group had lost several of their leaders to the Khalistani terrorists.However their line was affected by right opportunist positions.Thus these 2 groups left the platform.

.
A strong mobilisation campaign was undertaken for the conference.Small group meetings of revolutionary activists were held for those who were prepared to carry out the campaign.The comrade decided that the method of propoganda must be understood by the people.The language used must be easily understood by the workers and peasants.There was strong mobilization campaign in Rajeana area in the form of group meetings,big public meetings,rallies and streetcorner plays.Rs.30000 was contributed by the people as donations.A campaign was alos carried out in the village of Rode.This was the native village of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale,chief of the Khalistan movement .60 persons were assassinated by Khalistanif orces and the police here.The masses remembered the martyrs against the Khalistani Movement with great depth of feeling terming them, “Our boys.”


Differentiated propoganda was done for different sections.The politics of Naxalbari was to be connected to the basic interests of different sections.The workers and employees were told that the message of Naxalbari was to fight against narrow,sectional interests and to integrate workers and employees mass movements with the revolutionary movement and that the workers should help the peasantry get organised to build an agrarian revolution.Different propoganda was done with the peasantry. To the landless labourers it was propogated that Naxalbari was the name for the confiscation of the land,property and implements of the landlords and their distribution amongst the landless labourers.It is also the name for bringing bonded labour to the end as well as feudal exploitation.To the landed peasantry it was propagated that they were bent on bringing to an end the present social and economic system which supports the monopoly of land by the landlordsand exploitation of peasants in the form of land rent and usury.

They would also confiscate the capital and property in India of all the Indian imperialists and compradors.The Akali leaders attempting to trick the common people instilled fear amongst the masses that the common people would be arrested if they supported the Communist revolutionaries. For 2 weeks an intensive combat took place between the ranks of the Communist Revolutionaries and the leaders and Ruling Class supporters. The campaigning team explained their politics with great patience and persuasion,reminescent of comrades of Mao's Red Army in explaining people the relationship between their day to day lives and politics. In a village called Rhode the masses redressed their grievances to the campaigning team whereby during the period of Khalistani terrorism,60 people were either executed by the terrorists and the police. They explained how they were threatened by the terrorists blaming the relatives of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale who extorted lakhs of Rupees as Ransom money and funded Khalistani leaders living in bungalows.

In the Rajjeana area small group meetings were heldas well as big public meetings and rallies.The masses participated most enthusiastically contributing Rs 30,000.
The Commemorating committee decided that if the State declared a ban on the conference they would not cancel their preparations towards it. In fact they would resist the police parties and assert their democratic Right to assemble. Sit-Ins and roadblock-traffic could also be struggle forms. Protest demonstrations may be organised near the police blockades. To some extent, the committee felt such demonstrations would serve the purpose of the Conference.

The final conference was the biggest ever gathering that took place in Punjab for 25 years among the revolutionary forces.10, 000 people were mobilised.In this conference the real meaning of Naxalbari was explained. Earlier it was understood that Naxalbari meant armed actions of squads.Many people came to understand for the 1st time that it was a mass-based political movement. A separate programme was made for landless peasants and a separate programme was made for the landed peasantry. The need for a correct agrarian revolutionary programme was explained. The people's attitude to the revolutionary movement was greatly changed by this. Here are some examples.
A resolution highlighting the sacrifice ,heritage and path of the martyrs was passed. This included

1. To draw a clear-cut demarcation from the parliamentary path and to expose the hypocritical nature of those who propogated it as well as the bankruptcy of that ideology towards the liberation path.
2. To give a call to People's liberation.
3. To highlight the importance of building the Agrarian revolutionary movement as well as the revolutionary United Front.
4. To highlight the democratic right of the people to build revolutionary mass resistance
5. To explain the Indian people the connection between their struggles and those of Imperialist and third -world countries as well as building solidarity movements to revolutionary struggles all over the world particularly the revolutionary armed Struggle in Peru.
6. The significance of organizational and political self preparedness for self -defence against counter revolutionary violence .based on the recent experience they faced in Punjab.
7. Commemorating the Martyrs and explaining the necessity of building a single Communist revolutionary organisation.



There wee families of revolutionary activists who opposed participatin in the revolutionary movement ,considering the risks and consequences they would fcae4.However after attending the conference their attitudes were totally revrsed.They now had second thoughtys about heir husbans or son spaticipating.
"We had been mistaking Naxalbari people as a terror. Now we know they are very much for their welfare. Such comments were made by landless labourers and peasants. A leader of a group of 8to 10 migrant labourers said "We had been observing for a full 9 years whether anybody exists in Punjab or not. Now we know that they are very much here. Had we known of their presence earlier we would have created doomsday in the factories."



A family member commented “This is good work,here everyone is with them,we had been anxious for along time meaninglessly.’







In landless colonies of Rajjeana respect and adulation for the revolutionary activists was sky0high.A landless woman labourer residing in the landless colonies of Rajjeana stated, “One should give assurance of only one’s own mind ,nether of one’s son or daughter.I shall dedicate my remaining life to the party.This is my line engraved on astone!I do not bother about whether anyone else comes to the party or not.”


A major reason for the success of the conference was the method of mobilisation. People were introduced politics to their level of understanding and could relate the politics of Naxalbari to the problems they faced in their day to day lives. This reminded one of the mass line followed by the Chinese Red Army in the pre-revolutionary period. The Red Army's primary objective was to arm and educate the masses and the strength of the enemy was always critically evaluated. Before holding conferences Mao insisted that the masses were properly educated and that adequate preparations were made to combat an enemy attack .



Compiled from a Struggle report of Comrade no.3



January 1998 Election poster of the Punjab State Committee



BALOTS HAVE NOT TRANFORMED YOUR LIVES

NOR WILL BALLOTS EVER TRANSFORM YOUR LIVES

CHANGE HE STAE POWER,NOT THE GOVERNMENT.



Toilers!

Voteseekersr are once again knocking at your doors. Whichever vote party may succeed in forming he government ,it will change nether the extortionist bureaucrats nor the butcher police.T he ballots are not going to it the foreign and native exploiters,the big monopoly capitalitsts or the big traders -the culprits responsible for raising prices .Nor will you get deliverance this way from the rapacious landlords or feaudals. The state power is in the hands of the exploiting classes. The vote parties and their govts.are mere tools of this. State power. So long as the present exploiting state set up remains intact ,your chains of exploitation and slavery will never be smashed. Take the path of overthrowing The system rather than just changing the govt.





BUILD THE PEOPLE’S POWER

STATE POWER IS NEVR CHANGED THROUGH BALLOT BOXERS ,IT IS OVERTHROWN BY ARMRD FORCE.



Organise yourselves as a class in organizations and unions build struggles on class issues and class demands at each and every place



Organise joint struggles on common issues and evolve a joint political Front.

Dare to challenge each and every atrocity,each and evry act of high-handedness and exploitation by the rulers and exploiters dare to fight and resuist on every issues and assert the people’s power.

Raise volunteer forcesc to protect your organization





TAKE TO THE PATH OF BUILDING AN ANTI-IMPERIALIST AND ANTI-FEUDAL BROAD REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMWENT OF THE PEASNTRY,AND THE PATH OF PROTRACTED ARMED PEOPLES WAR TO OVERTHROW THE STATE AND TO USHER IN GENUNE PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY.



Punjab State Committee Communist Party Reorganisation Centre of India(Marxist-Leninist)



Struggle for the Correct trend in the B..K.U(Ekta )



This trend focused on building he struggle-activities on basic and burning peasant demands, and introducing political consciousness in the union I accordance with the level of the peasants actual activity and experience. While al the political forces were free from their independent platform to influence peasmnts politically,the experiences acquired by the peasntmasses ion struggle would be crucial to their being able to absorb any such political propaganda.In Contracts the wrong trend made the union unction as apropoganda baed organization.Through joint actions with other political platforms, they attempted to politicize the peasant masses .

The correct trend was reflected I the Jethuke struggle(A historic turning point) in January 200where the correct trend was applied to combat repression, resulting in pole firing. It also withstood and defeated the repression, and won certain repression-related demands,t o achieve the original aim s of the struggle. Thus the correct trend strived to build an alternative practice. Similarly in he mass gherao of land mortgage bank in Rampura,no arrests were made of defaulting peasants. Burning issues of the peasantry wee highlighted. Following this the struggle for paddy procurement reflected several similar features.The followers of he correct trend worked in selected pockets,where hey had asignificant base ,to set up types of struggle which wopuld influence abroader section of peasants.

The major line of demarcation between the correct and wrong trend was felt by the peasantry on the handling of the issue of peasant indebtedness to usurious commission agents.The 2001 agitation against the Sandoha suicide where asustained strugl;e was launched is an appropriate example.

The participants in the correct trend linked the political struggle with the conctre class Struggle.They implemented the militant mass struggle alternative in practice like in Jethuke, the paddy procurement struggle,the Maiserkhana struggle Etc.The burning problem of peasnt indebtedness was handled impeccably by he correct trend.A do-or-die spirit was inculcated and the ranks understood the correctness of the line.

The organizers of the correct trend were able to mobilize the maximum ranks in the inner-organisational struggle.They also did not inculcate discipline mechanically and took the consciousness of the majority of thec ranks into account.

Himmatpura Struggle

The turning point in defeating the wrong trend was in Himmatpuraon April 28th..It comprised of 250 leading activists from 10 districts.In the first session all the deeds and propaganda of the ruling clases was exposed.I the 2nd session, a teacher described the role and record pf the leadership of the correct trend. This teacher concluded that the work of the Union inspired him to leave the job full –time and work for the Union.In the 3rd session, anyone could speak from the flooor.Several activist volunteered to become full time participants.

The followers of the correct trend called or a Kisan council.1950 peasant activists were invited for he Kisan council, including 2 each from 720 village units,7 each from the Unions 58 block committees,7 each fro the Union's 12 districts and 9 office bearers of the State Committee. In preparation for he council; district committee meetings ere held in all districts. In these meetings the contents of the Himmatpura meeting was explained.

There was major struggle between the State leadership and the activists of the correct trend.Earlier the Sangrur Committee had opposed the correct trend activists.The State leadership had also refused the holding of the Kisan council.The activist held the council meeting opposing the state leadership.Sukhdev Kokri was removed by the leadership. Finally after a meeting held on May 18 th by the activists of the correct trend Sukhdev Kokri was re-instated.

The Kisan Council was held on May 21st at Talwandi Sabo.Of the 1950 qualified to participate,I the Council 1359 participated. Peasant activists participated from 36 blocks,in which the correct trend prevailed.

After the Kisan Council a state conference was held at Jethuke on June 8th.Here the 2 trends were differentiated and the real issues prevailing demarcated. It was revealed how the leaders of he wrong trend were not prepared for struggles on burning issues. Infact they boycotted the struggle against Usury. The wrong trend worked overtime o block the correct trend and if elections were democratically conducted would be swept away and the correct trend would triumph.

JThe conference elected a new state committee.A call was given for statewide demonstrations ,on various demands.

The wrong trend projected an action committee including ruling class parliamentary opposition parties.

Analysis of the B.K.U(Ekta)

It is significant that within the correct trend opinion is divided.

The struggle of the B.KU(Ekta)is a classical example of the struggle for democratic functioning within a mass organization.Today ,when there is aprominent tren withing the Communist Revolutonary camp of imposing party politics on mass organizations the correct approach of this sruggkle has enormous significance. The peasant struggles of Pumjab are also a fitting answer to he trend that claims that armed struggle cannot be deferred. Punjab is a classic example of a state where peasants have not reached the level of political consciousness to enable armed struggle to be carried out. The agrarian revolutionary movement is still in the stage of being built.The Kisan Council and he subsequent conference is of great significance. I n the author's view this reflects the mass revolutionary approach to creating abase for launching protracted peasant struggles amongst the middle and landed peasantry and avenues to sharpen and enhance the class movements of the landless peasantry.The anti-repression struggle,the successful protests and jail bharo agitation,struggle within jails,participation of women and organized mass resistance against the arrests were important features which illustrate the ground for launching a democratic revolutionary struggle.Before launching armed struggles or during them as in China,there have been mass movements for democratic rights.

In the Authors view heroic struggles have been launched by the peasantry.

The B.K.U (Ekta-represnting correct trend ) has taken historically correct steps to build a peasant movement of the landed peasantry combating wrong trends and has given a classic example of carrying out mass revolutionary work within a single large body,They have led state-wide agitations and are creating a base for district-level and State wide movements of the landed peasntry.It has been one of the most revolutionary democratic approaches ever displayed where no party politics has been imposed on the mass organization.However still it is only a base for building a revolutionary peasant Movement.and is not a class organisation of the landless peasantry revolutionary peasant classes. It has yet to lead or encourage the lower sections of the peasantry. Today a mass agrarian revolutionary peasant armed struggle has yet to be built to lay the seeds for guerilla warfare.There have been historic statewide agitations which is significant .



.Punjab landless and Agricultural Workers Union



Similarly the Punjab landless and Agricultural labourers organization launched anti-feudal struggles of the landless peasants and agricultural workers. Since it's foundation in 1993 it launched a series of heroic struggles. An agricultural labourer lives the life of a wretched beast. He is denied his weekly or any holiday throughout the year. When he takes leave for any death in the family or a marriage he is charged much more than the average wage being paid to him. At work he virtually works round the clock. In Agricultural Operations, he has to do all sorts of household chores, for the master. In Peak work seasons, he has to forget rest and sleep for days together due to rush of work. This forced sleeplessness results in accidents leading to amputation of limbs and serious injuries. The landowner is not required to pay for their treatment or missed days. No compensation is paid during disability or death. His average wage is much below the stipulated minimum wage. The rising prices of day to day items forced the agricultural labourer community to slash their consumption.
3 types of issues were predominantly taken up.
The first one was opposing casteist arrogance and misbehavior with women. The 2nd one was for increase in and proper distribution for social welfare and other advances like grants, community centers. The third relates to propaganda and agitational issues like distribution of land, residential plots and improvement in working conditions. The 4th and last related to political

mobilization on issues.

Balahar Vinju land struggle
The most significant struggle led by the Agricultural labour Union was at Village Balahar Vinju.The village backward class elements had been cultivating the fields containing 18 acres for a considerable period. The Village head, in connivance with a Congress minister stage a conspiracy to usurp this land at throw-away prices through governmental auctioning of this land. Through a continuous protracted struggle the villagers resisted evictions. The peasants heroically resisted the police repression in addition to that of goondas. Although the authorities succeeded in auctioning the land in a closed-door auction under the vigilance of heavy police escort, they failed to evict the villagers and seize the disputed land.

This struggle had important phases At first when the government had decided to auction the land the peasants held a series of meetings, rallies and demonstrations. The Harijan community as well as large sections of the middle peasants signed an appeal persuading the authorities for leasing the concerned land, only to the agricultural labourers. A deputation of 250-300 men, women and children under the leadership of the Union met several authorities with regards to their cause. The mood of the village peasants was so militant that the village head when coming for the auction had to call of the auction to declare that the land would be sold to the Agricultural labour. This irritated the Congress leaders who retaliated by calling an auction and calling for a seizure of the agricultural labourers land. The peasants under the Union fought a do or die battle. They went to the field sand staged their Red flag. Now religious ruling class parties used the issue to win votes. These included the Bahujan Samaj Party. The Union activists effectively refuted religious forces. The Union explained how through reciting religious scriptures opportunist political forces can divert the struggle.

With great determination the Union activists resisted the police forces they surrounded jeeps250 people surrounded the police station demanding the release of an arrested worker. The protest was so militant that the police had to release the arrested worker.

The Police counter retaliated raiding houses of many activists. On August 4th a public conference was to be held which the police tried to prevent the Peasant's Union from Staging a conference. They arrested electricity workers Etc.However after a determined protest of 225 people in Bhatinda district the arrested workers were released.
.
August 13th was the day of the next auction. The Congress leaders tried to trick the peasants by stating that the auction would be cancelled and land distributed among the labourers.The leaders of the peasant Union explained the workers what the Congress leaders were upto.The Congress leaders spread the word that Gullzar Singh ,a Congress Minister would cancel the auction and distribute the land. The Union told the peasants to cancel the rally if they were awarded the land. The Congress leaders in an embarrassing position had to cancel the land.

After that Tarsem, a prominent Union leader was arrested. The peasants through militant demonstrations attempted to secure his release. A deputation of Agricultural Workers and employees met the district authorities and asked the S.H.O to r3elease all men arrested from the village and stop repression on Tarsem.The Police were prepared to release Tarsem on the condition that no legal or mass action would be taken against the Police. On August 28th, it was known that the concerned district Inspector had come to the police Station. Women of Balahar Vinju rushed to the Police Station and within an hour assembled and started a demonstration which stopped only after the Inspector promised that Tarsem would be released on 29th August. In Bhatinda on September 2nd the Union decided to organize a militant protest however later cancelled it.

The Police were not prepared to release Tarsem.They implicated him in a false case and sent him to Bhatinda jail, and also prepared a false certificate that he was arrested in an injured State. The Union now decided to hold their protest rally on September 11th on the day a convention was taking place on the joint merging of the Dehati Mazdoor Union and the Pendu Mazdoor Union into a single organization. The Police refused to grant permission for the Unity Convention with the state of turbulence in the area. The Union now decided to hold the convention secretly. On September 11th 500 Union Activists assembled at the teacher's home in Bhatinda, holding a demonstration despite heavy rain and water knee deep on the roads. All this was done in a secret manner so that the police would be unaware of it, until the demonstration reached the district Courts, where a memorandum against Police Repression was given to the district officer.

The first joint meeting of the D.M.U(Dehati Mazdoor Union-meaning village workers Union") and the P.M.U(Pendu Mazdoor Union meaning Agricultural Workers Union) was held later in the evening150 delegates participated.The agricultural workers from a totally unorganized force now were a militant surging contingent. From a submissive and hopeless position there force was like a spear piercing through the ruling class forces. A militant spirit reverberated in their hearts. A statement of a villager, "So small a village has kept the police of the whole district on the toes for a month, that is not a small achievement," testified this. "We may or may not get the land but we will never leave the organisation." The significant note to me made of the Balahar Vinju Struggle was the peasant's collectively fighting for their rights over land .

Having failed in their attempts to divide or suppress the Agricultural labourers during the latter half of 1993,the Congress I Leaders of the area and the district authorities teamed up with the local chieftain of the village for launching a united mass repression on the Agricultural labourer's movement. They sold the said land through an open auction to the brother of the Sarpanch and 3 others of the clique. At very cheap rates. They did this on 29th January with the help of a huge deployment of the police force and despite the protests of the Harijan community of the village. The Agricultural labourers however maintained their determination and resolve Even as they went to redress the Punjab and Haryana Court they relied on the mass mobilization of Agricultural labourers.They brought clear instruction from the Court that it should not dispossess the agricultural labourers from there land until the matter was decided.

The Court decision was a thorn in the flesh of the ruling clique.
The Teasing question for the Agricultural labourers was the method of seizing the land. They decided in the community meeting of the village that they would take possession by irrigating the land on the due date. The Sarpanchclique threatened them with dire consequences .Showing valiant courage, a team of 70 to 80 men and women of the Harijan Community, along with 8 to 10 men from the Jaat Peasantry, armed with traditional weapons, trudged on to the fields in a procession. The Sarpanch clique counter retaliated by bringing the Sub divisional magistrate and the Deputy Superintendent of police, who ordered the peasants to disperse. The Sarpanch began to abuse them but displaying great valiance and courage the peasants stood their ground withstanding all the threats. The Sub divisional magistrate went to the extent of announcing that the labourers will not be permitted to claim their land.

He made a false plea that the order did not mention the specific land referred ..4 0r 5 labourers were called to the police Station. However the whole team of Agricultural labourers reached the Police Station they raised slogans expressing the injustice meted out to them. They decided to launch a case against the Sarpanch for using abusive language and for issuing threats. In the next few days, the representatives of the labourers met the district6 authorities. They were reluctant to implement the Court order. The High court had stated that no one could take possession of the land until the high court passed an order. To play a trick the Sarpanch clique now stated that the land was government provincial land which could be sold through open auction. This was a major lie because the auction order of the same authorities had itself referred to it as Nazool land.The anti-labour class character of the authorities was fully exposed.The Agricultural labourers now decided to launch a two-pronged strategy .One was to gain a clearer verdict in the high court and compel the authorities to implement it, the other was to mobilize people of the area by exposing g the anti-people character and role of the district authorities and thus add greater pressure.

The Punjab Agricultural Workers Union held a state level conference on 1st July in Balahar Vinju Itself. The district authorities banned the holding of the peaceful conference there, imposed section 144 of Cr.P.C.,and rushed 300 to 400 security men to seal of all the entry points in the village. The labourers were denied there democratic right to struggle. Heroically the labourers were undeterred. A team of 150 labourers and employees supporting their cause demonstrated at the district headquarters raising slogans condemning the authorities. The Venue of the state conference was shifted to Sewewala where 1000 Labourers with other revolutionary mass organizations participated.The Road traffic was blocked for half an hour. Effigies of the Sarpanch district authorities and Punjab Government were burnt and resolutions were passed supporting the Balahr Vinjhu labourers Struggle and condemning the district authorities. About 125 people held a protest rally in Balahr Vinju village itself.

Two further incidents had outstanding impact. All Entry points to the village had been sealed off on the day of the meeting with a huge deployment of police force. Later an angry batch of men and women from the Harijan Community went to a check post and scolded the police force present in that area for blocking their way to the fields. The force was forced to flee1In the subsequent incident one of the labourers was detained by the police on the pretext that he was calling for a rally in the village. Within minutes 150-200 men and women from the community rushed to the spot and gheraoed the jeep in which the boy was detained. The boy was freed. What was of great relevance was the words of a policeman stating, "What is the use of Imposing section 144 in such situations, the Govt just earned a bad name for doing so for nothing!

For the next 15 days, the people continued to exhibit their determined resolve. Incidents of getting boys freed from police custody by mass pressure and thrashing elements from the Sarpanch clique were such examples. On 15th July 200 men and women of the Harijan Community held a militant demonstration in the district courts of Bhatinda For 4 hours they raised militancy slogans and raging speeches. The nefarious policies of the Sarpanch,the district authorities and the Punjab Government were explained and condemned like a spear piercing flesh.

The correct revolutionary leadership continuously educated the peasants about the politics of the land issue and how it was connected to the need of building an agrarian revolutionary Movement. No Armed Squads replaced the collective revolutionary Actions of the masses and the people from their own revolutionary Experience gained an experience in mass revolutionary Struggle. Through Experience the Peasants understood the anti-people Nature of the Ruling Class Parties and the police force. In Mass revolutionary Struggle through their own experience the masses understand the enemy and the appropriate methods to combat them. The effort of the Union in holding their Unity Convention Secretly after the authorities denied formal permission and hold the protest rally showed the tactical experience gained through struggle.

The peasants were now further drawn towards revolutionary Class Struggle and the need for a cohesive peasant organization. Only militant organised resistance would liberate them. The protracted struggle of the peasantry against the onslaught of the Sarpanch clique and the authorities was a great education to them about the nexus between the landlord classes and authorities. The fact that the court order could not be implemented and that only their organized struggle could win them justice was a great lesson. Through the Struggles of the Punjab Agricultural Labour Union the Agricultural labourers learnt the importance and the gains of their collective, organized Struggles for land and their own self –defence.No political armed Squads could substitute this. They also understood the futility of court orders and authorities implementing Justice and gained further confidence in building their own organizations. The landless and poor peasants gaining political Consciousness through their own struggle and experience is a major task in building a mass agrarian revolutionary line. This can create a strong revolutionary peasant movement and prepare the ground for setting up armed revolutionary base areas and armed agrarian Revolutionary Struggle.

In Doaba region of Punjab the P.A.L.U.after a determined struggle succeeded in getting residential plots .In Muktsar district, the repeated attempts of an influential wealthy family in evicting a number of labouring families from a piece of land was foiled. A similar occurrence took place in Jalandhar district where an Akali leader's attempt to grab villagers land was foiled.
An example of heroic anti –feudal resistance led by the P.A.L.U was in Ferozepur district where 2 agricultural labourers were tortured to death by a cruel landlord. The landlord spent lakhs of rupees in bribing the police and the media. The Union carried out massive processions, blockading of police stations, holding up traffics, surrounding district courts Etc.At every stage the Union had to battle it out with the police and civil authorities.

The last significant form of struggle the Punjab Agricultural Workers Union waged was against medieval service conditions of farm labour. Peasants in Punjab often die of pesticide poisoning. The Landlords refuse to pay for the peasant's illnesses .In one example of the death of a contract labourer in Bhagtuana village the landlord not only refused to pay the treatment expenses, but also pressurized the labourer's family in paying the dues. He even threatened to confiscate the labourer's cattle. The Union challenged this. Through militant struggle the peasants prevented the landlord from gaining a single penny.

In Various districts in Punjab the Punjab Agricultural Workers Union has carried out alternative flood relief. The so-called social welfare schemes were exposed. Numerous cases concerning yellow cards, house grants and flood relief were settled. Corruption of authorities was exposed.

Lastly the Union played a great role in the election campaigns in exposing the nefarious ruling class politics. The Union explained the anti people policies of the state and how the people were enslaved through Imperialist policies like globalization. Rural labouring sections rose up like a tornado in the "Long Live the Revolution Rally!" The Union played a great role in enhancing their political consciousness.

Through the Bharatiya Kisan Union and the Punjab Agricultural Workers Union a huge platform is being set for a major peasant revolt. One is reminded of the saying that a single Spark can create a Prairie fire. Under the leadership

Struggle for residential plots in Lambi region of Muktsar

In Muktsar district in Lambi sub-division in the assembly constituency of Prakash Singh Badal,president of the ruling class Akali Dal party, owns hundreds of acres of land.The contradiction between feudal landlords and the masses are acute.
To gain votes in the election the joint Akali-B.J/P govt announced some so-called welfare schemes for the scheduled castes of the rural areas. These schemes included a free plot from the village common land and a house building grant for the Scheduled caste families who either had no house of their own or had house to accommodate their families.

The State Committee of the .landless and agricultural Workers Organization decided to initiate an exposure campaign o exposing how the govt.was hardly serious in implementing such schemes.

The landless and Agricultural labourers organization called a meeting.It was decided that actually the basic demands of he landless labourers should be projected, particularly the demand of land to the tiller., linking them with partial demands and other current pressing problems to make people aware of their complete rights. It was also discussed as to which points of political understanding of the P.K.M.U. can be explained linking them with specific demands of the campaign. It was also decided that the activits and the mass leaders would have to go through a thorough study of the conditions of the masses to know how many families in the village were genuine claimants of the govt.welfare measures.

The investigation revealed that there were 61 families in 6 investigated villages who had no house and did not get the plots announced by the govt.,there were 48 women who were denied the Shagun of Rs 5000 each and 99 cases of genuine claimants to govt.pensions who received no pension.

A propoganda campaign was launched in the area of Lambi.Thousand wall posters were put up and 5000 leaflets distributed. Mass meetings were organized in 15 villages in which 885 landless labourers participated. Charters of demands of every active village Unit of P.M.K.U. were presented by mass deputations to the concerned govt Officials. A mass deputation used to begin it's march fro the village and travel to the place where it would present the charter of demands. It would then conduct mass meetings, rallies and flag marches in each village. Over 3000 landless labourers wee reached.

The Ruling class Akali leaders connived and tried to win over the foremost leader of the Lambi Committee, a resident of the Singhewala-Fatuhiwala villages. They announced a list of 144 families of these villages that were promised residential plots. A programme was launched where the letters of the title were to be distributed to the 144 persons.500 persons gathered in the public function called the Sangat Dashing.(Sikh religious ritual gathering).A deputation of the P.M.K.U went to the venue of the programme to present their grievances.

About the implementation of the declared govt Schemes and to present charter of demands. Gurdas Badal ,brother of the then chief minister who was then present, ignored the deputation .The P.M.K.U.leader angrily caught hold of Badal and condemned him openly for not redressing the gathering.Gurda Badal terminated the programme and the P.M.K.U leader tore up the official letter.The Union leaders using great tact converted this function into a rally of the Union. And explained to the masses that tearing up the letter did not mean that they did not want the people from demanding anything from the govt. Threatened by the offensive Akali leaders offered 40 more plots to the landless labourers. Of he twin villages along with an offer to the Union leadership that the distribution of the plots would be made with the Union's consent.

The P.M.KU.correctly anticipated how the Akali leaders were trying to trick them. On the day of the next sangat Darshan by the chief minister in the village, there was heavy deployment of police forces not only around the venue of function, but in the streets of the labourers.The P.M.K.U boycotted the function.Tht day a heroic act was performed by an ordinary villager who was a landless labourer.A policeman rushed into his house when on duty deploying himself on top of the roof as part of security duty. The labourer ,who was the owner of the house was furious and ordered him out. The policeman left. This revealed the animosity in the oppressed classes and the political effect of the P.M.K.U's activities.

The P.M.K.U in Lambu area wished to implement the road of self –reliance by the are-level team of mass leaders.They decided that the people of twin villages should be fully mobilized and a demonstration against the sarpanches should be organized as a first move. After consultation with the masses the demonstration was held
the demonstration was held with about 150 men and women against the panchayats of Singhewala village and Fatuhivalla village. They came to know that the Sarpanch was out of town. A demonstration was taken into the house of the Sarpanch in Singhewala.When the Sarpanch saw the demonstrators he was infuriated and insulted the villagers, condemning their march. In anger the villagers tried to retaliate ,but were cooled down by the P.M.K.U leaders.

After this incident the sarpanch instigated the 67 landless families who had received plots against the P.M.K.U.leadership stating that the P.M.K.U desired to cancel their ownership of plots. They explained that only if he was supported their plots would be protected.

This affected the plot –owners thinking and their support to the P.M.K.U were neutralized. However the P.M.K.U re-explained them the situation and persuaded the plot owners to not oppose the allotment of land to the landless labourers whether the family qualifies for it within the govt.criteria or not. The P.M.K.U turned the situation in their favor but again winning the support of the overwhelming majority of landless labourers.Under the leadership of the P.M.K.U ,the people of Singhewala succeeded in getting 67 plots.

In July 2002 the 2nd phase of the campaign was started. Now the Congress had won the elections. The new party promised the same welfare measures, in it's election manifesto.

In Lambi area the P.M.K.U staged an indefinite sit-in before the office of the B.D.O on September 16th 2002,inspite of many hurdles, the indefinite sit-in started on the bare ground before the office of the B.D.O in Lambi.Various hurdles ,such as acute shortage of funds as well as transport difficulties had to be overcome. On the start of the programme the B.D.O.officer disappeared. The masses resented his and throughout the day unleashed a barrage of slogan shouting,songs,speeches Etc.Sowing daring courage, the women stayed ,inspite of being persuaded by the men to return at night. In the evening, with 70-75 people left behind, the rest went to various villages to mobiles support. This resulted in the number of participant villages rising to 6 from 4, and the number of people from 125 to 150.

The area committee called a meeting of activists of the area ensuring the continued participation of the masses, and the continuous supply of food. It was decided that for mobilizing all types of support for struggle, the P.M.K.U leaders and activists should visit new village's everyday. A group of 8-10 people met people from all walks of life in Lambi and explained and projected the demands of the struggle.They asked the people for support, from direct participation to contribution of bread,milk,vegetables sugar, tea ,firewood Etc.

In a most convincing style the issues of the struggle were explained. The people responded with great sensitivity and donated 3 overhead covers for a gathering, and promised daily supply of food, milk Etc.Some families contributed wheat flouyr.People donated Rs 900 infunds.Landless labourers of a nearby village Khudian donated a bag of wheat flour.

Even after a week of the sit-in the B.D.O was untouched and ignored the P.M.K.U leadership. After 4 days of sit-in the area committee reviewed the situation and it was decided to burn the effigies of the Congress rulers in a new village .Effigies were now built in 11 villages and between 100 to 250 people participated in every village.2000 people participated in the programme of effigy burning. A poster was put up on the walls of 26 villages. On the 7th day ,atlas one member of the authorities came to address the gathering of the P.M.K.U .However the B.D.O.never explained his attitude and the revenue officer had to criticize the B.D.O.The B.D.O now had to beg pardon for his ignorant and negligent attitude.

After 6-7 rounds of negotiations ,an agreement was reached. This stated that the organization .would be recognized. On September 25th 2002 the B.D.O addressed a gathering, explaining the agreement. The landless labourers were brimming in joy with confidence. The revenue officer however expressed his helplessness to fulfill the demands of the plots because ,he explained, it was out of his jurisdiction.So,he sent a letter to the district authorities with his positive recommendation giving the same justification of demands as was given to him by the peasnt organization leadership.

Though the sit-in was conducted successfully, some important demands were not fulfilled and thus it was essential to change the venue of the struggle to Muktsar city, to target the district adminstration.On the last evening of the sit-in ,more than 125 men and women, along with their maker-shift kitchen, traveled to Muktsar.The Deputy Commissioner at first blew up in a fit of temper and commanded the eviction of the camped men and women. However the peasnt organiastion leadership stood firm and ,the DC.was virtually forced to negotiate. Substantial demands were agreed to like involving disbursal of funds for housing and latrines,provison of land for collecting dung, preventing police intervention on behalf of absentee landowner, and provision of food-for-work employment. Some of the P.M.K.U's demands wee not conceded .The details of the agreement were noted, copies made, and it was decided that the P.M.K.U leaders could check the implementation procedure after 10 days. Only after the gathering outside had approved it, the Union leaders decided to withdraw the struggle.

This sit-in struggle started by 125 persons from 4 villages ,but was extended to 600 people from 17 villages with a positive balance of funds, even after spending Rs.10,000 on the Struggle. The conclusion-the successful performance of the mass deputation at the district headquarter-gave an enthralling finale to the highly successful struggle. Above all it instilled a spirit of self –confidence and self –reliance in struggle and boosted revolutionary class consciousness. The painstaking mass revolutionary approach of the Agricultural labourers organisation was depicted.

Analysis of the landless labourers organization.

The Agricultural and landless peasants organization) has made painstaking efforts to give a mass revolutionary approach by educating the peasantry,similar to the Red Army during the Chinese revolution.However still the resistance is still at the level of pockets in Punjab and a stage has to be reached when agrarian revolutionary struggles are launched at village,district and state level.Stlll,the movement has not reached one where land seizures or direct struggles for land are taking place.The method the struggles have been conducted on all fronts display the efforts to painstakingly educate the peasants in the need for self-organisation to assert their rights and the relationship of their struggles with the agrarian revolution.Peasants in Balahr Vinju district led by the P.M.K.U gave a classical display of mass line approach when hoisting the Red Flag and thwarting the police efforts of preventing them from holding their conference.Historic democratic protests were held.The way the peasant organisation functioned helped spread peasant struggles to other areas quickly.(pocket level)State level agitations have yet to be launched and this being a class peasant mass organization it will have to play amajor role.The graetset achievement of the organization is it's ability to organize the Dalit or backward caste labourers.Toady in the Maxist -Leninist Movement it is a major challenge to organize the Dalit caste agricultural labourers.on class lines.(Appraisal from Correspondent in Frontline)The organization has alos given solidarity to the struggles of the landed peasantry had participated in revolutionary Election Campaigns.What is significant is that the agricultural labour organisatin has built amovement in various districts Punjab ranging from Bhatinda to Jalandhar,to Ludhiana to Amritsar.

Compiled

from issues of the revolutionary Journal the 'Comrade" and from publications of the 'Surkh Rekha' a democratic journal of Punjab.This compilation is attributed to the Communist revolutionaries belonging to the most correct trend even if it is not the mass line in total,particularly maintaining the correct relationship of the mass organization with the party..







3. West Bengal



In West Bengal workers belonging to various factories have been reacting ,wherever a serious leadership is trying to organise the workers under the established political parties.In Indian Iron and Steel out of 16,000 workers,10,000.have joined an effort to form their own union.In Jessop ,the oldest engineering factory in India the workers formed a Yukta Sangram commiteee,leaving the old unions like C.I.T.U.and A.I.T.U.C.The workers won their demands of immediate payment of all their dues.The leaders of the committee were beaten up by C.P.I.M.goons.In protest a massive rally was launched comprising a rail and rasta roko.6 of the miscreants were arrested.In Hindwire factory the mill was closed on 27th November 1996,230 workers being retrenched.In retaliation the Workers organised the Mazdoor Manch"raising the slogan of the immediate opening of the mill.What was remarkable that several workers left the ruling Class I.N.T.U.C Union and the Revisionist C.P.M. C.I.T.U Unions to join the Front.The Manch also gained the support of different factories.In India Jute Mill the permanent workers under the leadership of I.F.T.U started a movement to re-introduce 21 shifts in contrast to the lately enforced 18 shifts.The management was gheraoed .

The factory remained closed for 4 months.On 4th March 1997 it was re-opened and 21 shifts were introduced.On 4th May 1997 ,a C.I.T.U Leader was murdered and the leadership accused the I.F.T.U for this(Indian Federation of Trade Unions-affiliated to C.P.I.M.L New Democracy)The Union office was put on fire. However the workers remained firm calling for elections. A gate meeting and rally was held on 13th December. The Elections were held on 19th December.300 Workers acted as volunteers to protect the workers from goons of Ruling Class Parties. Workers from other factories assisted them.

Joint political Struggles were promoted Eg A joint Front was formed opposing the Indian Govt launching Pokhran missile tests(Opposing the Govt’s move to promote war Efforts) in 1998.In 1998 after the massacre by the Ranbir Sena in Laxmanpur Bathe in Bihar on the Dalits a huge joint protest was initiated in Calcutta representing revolutionaries of all trends uniting on the same issue.

2 major joint front activities took place in 1998.In 1998 joint front activities took place through the Co-ordination Platform for Flood relief and Resistance-the Samananya Manch opposing the devastating floods.Direct relief work was undertaken ,and the volunteers of the Mancha participated I collecting funds,relief materials,medicines in flood-hit areas.Remarkable work a done in Chapra region of Nadia district.127 villages were protecte from devastatin of flood through he united labour of volunteers.

Another EXAMPLE IS THAT OF THE Prachar Aviyan which campaigned against atomic eapons .Slogan swere chanted emanding a nuclear fre world and opposing atomic explosions of India and Pakistan.An august 6th Committee was formed

Movement sin West Bengal are becoming the real workers movements. Aginst the employers.They are alos becoming antidotes ofto the so-called workers movements of the ruling class paerties,which divide theworkers and employees.These movements are in the main free from any illusion from the govt.

These movements have the potential of developing outside the orbot of parliamentary cretinism,since the organizers of these movements are in the main,directly or indirectly influenced by various Communist Revolutionary Organisations.



The leaderships of thses movements achieve cohesion and co-ordination amogst themselves at the mass level notwithstanding differences in political line and thinkimg amongst them.At the same time,some ground for United action in the future is also achieved.This effort reflects the feeling in the rankl and file of workrs that unless a cohesion amongst these movements develop,nothing significant can be achieved as an alternative to the presnt parliamentary politics.



I all the movements mentioned the Sramik Karmachari Sangramai Yukta Mancha played a significant t role. In providing a congenial atmosphere of co-ordination and cohesion.Sectio of thse movements are led by constituents of the Mancha,some are not.



Possibilities

1.The Congress and C.P.M may come closer This wil inevitably help in breaking C.P.M,ITSELF WHICH IS ALREADY DIVIDED IN FACTIONS.Some will definitely join arch rival-The Congress..As the mood of the common masses is anti-C.P.M. and anti-establishment,there could be some development of the Trinamul and BJP in the immediate futurHowever in the short time the true nature of those parties will be xposed by the masses.

Lastly,thee is the possibility of a section of the C.P.M membership coming out of the party and joining he revolutionary Movement This increases he scope amaonst Communist Revolutionaries.

Communist Revolutionaries should exploit this favourable condition.

In West Bengal,a polarization is taking place within the Communist Revolutionary Movement.One category is moving more and more towards parliamentarism,the political activities of these groups run mainly according to parliamentary politics.Another section of he Camp pursue the line of individual heroism,without taking proper lessons from the left0-deviationsit mistales of the 1970’s.The followers of this line have ben pursuing the old line ,only isn some modiofied form,.Most of the followers of this line try o bank on the support of he youth with the stories of heroic struggles of their comrades weith rifles in their hands..Now the Communist Revolutionaries who have been fighting both thse trends have not ben able to ome together on heir resoective positions and put analternative before the people.

However there are positivec developments like issues of general democratic character,collective efforts of different revolutionary individuals,have moved I the direction of projecting a revolutionary alternative.





4.Miscellaneous notes



Do not tail the peole by muddling on with electoral politics,with no definite conception or evidence of the gain of revolutionary movement.



Do not rush the people by giving calls for general boycott of elections ,with no definite conception or evidence of the level of revolutionary Movement.organised power and consciousness required for the people to do it.



Concentrate opn building he alternative revolutionary democratic movement.,leadership and power and projectinmg the revolutionary alternative of people’s democracy.



4.Anarchist and left deviationist trends .(from journal-The Comrade)



a.In Andhra Pradesh



‘At the conclusion of the decade of the 1990’s 3 important leaders of the People’s war Group were slain in a police encounter. A massive anti-repression programme took place in Andhra Pradesh in December 1999.Such Comrades were truly the best sons of the land heroically laying down their lives for liberation.Various communist Revolutionary Groups belonging to various groups participated.The People`s War Group launched retaliatory Actions to give a severe blow to the Indian State.After the armed Actions the People`s War Group made a self-critical assesment stating"Even when there were ample opportunities to educate and involve the People,our cadres only resorted to protest actions.These are incorrect actions.Because of non-participation of people in such actions,the outcome of such actions, is contrary to the impact we wanted"Thus this group was not aware that such armed actions of Party Guerilla Squads,by themselves cannot succeed in their basis and ultimate objective of defeating the reactionary State.Infact the people have to own such actions and voluntarily participate in them with revolutionary political Consciousness and confidence in their own organised strength.Even in the post encounter Joint Protests the leading rank of the People`s War Group remained pre-occupiedwith either the representative team protests or armed retaliatory actions.-thus their organized attempts for militant mass attempts for militant mass political mobilisations remained Sparse.One cannot deny the People`s War Group for their bravery and tenacity in standing upto the tyranny of the Stae and retaliating against it but without a correct approach towards mass armed Struggle the Revolutionary movement will not build up properly.’(From the Comrade)


Why are the vast masses of people in the areas under the influence or control of Peoples war remain laregely as spectators or silent sympathizers? Why they find themselves helpless when confronted with the heavy arm of the state?Thousands of acres of land remain fallow for years even in areas where the land was said to have been re-distributed and the landlords were chased from the villages.Why?
Many action s by the armed formation sof the Peoples war where they sought to dictate terms on the strength of weapon are dubious-assasinated individuals indiscriminately,mined the fields,blew up buildings and installations Etcthe way they carried out the election boycott line and verdicts of the Peoples Courts and the way they sought to assert and establish the revolutionary Supremacy over other organizations invited wide criticism, condemnation and even protest among the people, democratic and Progressive Circles.

The Peoples war leadership ,belatedly expressed it’s regret at some of them,but continued in some form ,or the other,the same practice even later.The Peoples War leadership without taking account of the level and nature of the movement with regards to the state of class Struggle and agrarian revolutionary Movement in their areas of Struggle. Their military formations and operations are not in relation to the level of class struggle and Agrarian Revolutionary Movement.Their types of activities and actions that their formations carry out do not take into account the people’s Consciousness and preparedness, organization and participation in the struggle to a higher level .Some of their armed actions dampen and even negate the People’s mass struggles. In reality the Peoples war Group although the Strongest revolutionary force in the Country suffers from sectarianism, militarism and anarchism.

It has a big brother approach to other revolutionary organizations. Only when in dire need do they form united Fronts with other revolutionary Groups, resorting to mass mobilizations on general issues. Their indiscriminate armed actions, assassination of Individuals and destruction of properties by thev armed bands may pose some trouble and loss, but they cannot pose a grave danger to the system as such.The Peoples war leadership claim to have vast areas under the leadership of their guerrilla Zones or areas of Influence.Theya lso declare that they have formed their own Peoples Guerilla Army.Howevever although they have a semblance to Mao’s line in reality they still have not developed the correct practice pf Maoist Protracted Peoples Military Warfare.(From Frontier article by Chakrapani in February2002


b.Group clashes in Bihar

When the group clashes occurred between the Maoist Communist Centre and the Party Unity Group (later merged into Peoples War Group) occurred the Organisation stated:We appeal to he leaderships of the M.C.C and the C.P.I(M.L)Party Unity groups to put an immediate end to this fratricide and attempt to resolve he differences relating too the sphere of practical activity in a comradely fashion. No doubt there are serious political differences between he groups which cannot be immediately resolved.

However it is the people who ,in the course of revolutionary movement and the implemenatation of contending lines ,play he decisive roles in establishing the correct line and leadership/For the people to be able to play that role the Communist Revolutionary leaderships must be able to the extent possible to tresolve hem by projecting the aspect of their unity against the enemy and their differences in a fashion that thepeole can grasp and decide on them.Morever the people should feel secure in the knowledge that their non –acceptance of any view or wil of a revolutionary organsiation shall not incur the use of force against them.Morepver sucha genuine contention between different political lines has been crassly dgraded to armed contention for territory.

The comrades concerned need also to reflect on what aspects of the tactical line ,instead of building the revolutionary authority of the masses of the people ,have reduced them to hapless spectators or victims of thje clashing of group powers.Lastly,if the organisatins concerned feel that the compulsions and problems driving hem onto the undesirable path of such clashes are not beong fairly understood ,they should I all seriousness place heir explanations before he communist revolutionary camp and alos before the people.

c.On Merger of Party Unity with Peoples War Group

The Unity is a [positive development.The fact that these 2 organisations ,whose separate existence as not warranted by any significant ideological-political demarcation between hem ,have now become a single organization.Sucha reduction in the numbr of parallel platforms is objectively favourable for the development of the 2 line struggle and the establishment of the proletarian revolutionary line. Now the consolidated organizational platforms would provide a more consistent and representative expression of the concerned ideological-political trend. The fewer the platforms and the sharper the profiles of the major ideological trends that much less complicated and more productive would be the process of mutual struggle.

It is a principled unification. Unity discussion began from 1993.It was stated in he 1995 review document that both the organizations had thrice discussed their respective basic documents and overcome whatever political variations. In the P.W’s version ,there was no serious ideological difference with P.u.towards unification, apart fro the period from 1984-89 when the 2 organizations held different positions on the characterization of the contemporary C.P.C.Therfore,it is reasonable that they have arrived at this juncture by overcoming he practical-organisational hitches or apprehensions which divided them for such a prolonged period. Those differences crumbled under the practical-organizational pressures on both organizations to seek a merger of forces and resources. The problematic situation of the PU in the central districts of Bihar has played a crucial role in persuading the PU leadership to shed its lingering hesitancy and decide for merger wit the better armed PW.(Where it is caught wit stronge rivals for territorial claims.


However the major weakness is on the question of the re-organisation of the party. It underestimates the extent of Communist Revolutionary forces that need to be unified. It also underestimates the effort which is required to refute effectively the right opportunist and Left Opportunist lines ,to establish the supremacy of the proletarian revolutionary line with the Communist Revolutionary Camp in India and to accomplish the re-organisation.of the Party. It is also unwilling to draw proper lessons from the historical experience of he course of Party-Re-organisation in India since the late Sixties.


Khatau Workers Struggle-

A major agitation was held I January 1998 in the vicinity of the Khatau mills.in the Bycula area of Mumbai.The struggle was led by the Union,the Girni Kamgar Sangharsh Samiti.On January 1st 1998 3000 workers gathered in front of the Khatau Makanji Spinning and Weaving Co.Ltd.They were demanding entry into a mill to sign their musters for jobs. The agitation was against he illegal suppression of production by the management and non –payment of wages for the past one year. The livelihood of 30000 family members of the workers was at stake. For some time a protracted struggle developed. A massive rally took place on January 3rd,and a 36 hr sit-in struggle took place from January 5th.On January 7th he workers went around the entire Bycula area I groups of tens and twenties for an indefinite sit-I agitation. The main issue of the struggle was the loss of jobs, in many cases closure of the unit.

‘The Comrade’highlighted the need of the workers to keep the following points in mind.


The following points had to be highlighted.

1. When keeping in mind the present level of consciousness of the workers, it is important for the struggle to develop a clear political thrust ,exposing the connection between the millowners,the state and imperialism.


2.The Government fears the political challenge hidden in the Khatau Workers Struggle.


3. Given the adverse conditions the workers need to prepare or a long fight. The main weapon of the management and the government is time.


4.A perspective must be layed of organizing self –defence from the outset of workers struggle. The capitalists have always elide on thugs to attack workers. There is an increasing weight of mafia in the trade Union field.


5.New ,militant form s of struggle mus tbe adopted .The struggle must not remain working at a mechanical level.Mill capture, rasta-rokop and gherao of government offices are some of he forms witnessed in recent times ,but it is mechanical to prescribe any particular form,only he advance of struggle will decide that .Forms must put pressure on the stae govt. The struggle can only win by forcing state Intervention.


6.The development of an advanced section among workers ,workers with a higher level of consciousness ,who would act as the medium through which politics could be carried to the larger mass of workers. In particular, the creation of conscious political cores of workers, equipped with revolutionary understanding would be the backbone of the struggle.



7.It is necessary to broaden the front to other workers, toiling masses and democratic sections as well. The support from various sections has certainly played a role in sustaining the Khatau Workers Struggle and in putting pressure on the state Government.




5.Tribute to Martyrs of the C.P.R.C.I(M.L)



Comrade Vasantdada Ramalingachari

Martyred on November 24th 2003


This valiant son of he soil was born in Vizzianagaram on December 21st 1929.He studied upto high school upto SSLC .Derived inspiration from his elder brother who was in government service in West Godavri distyrict.. Gained revolutionary baptism in the Telanagana Peasant Revolutionary Movement Started working as a full-time care of he Communist Party since 1952.


Initially he worked for party building in Bobili Taluka.Played an important role in the development of the Communist revolutionary organizational forces and political practices till 1968.Alos influenced teachers,youth,student and agricultural labour fronts. In the North Andhra plain areas.

He stood like a rock against revisionism. Became a state committee member of he Andhra Pradesh Co-ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries. Made great efforts in developing the Srikakulam movement to a higher level. After he A.P.C.C.C.R was expelled from the A.I.C.C.R he discharged responsibilities from the A.P.C.C.R and went on to work in Kondamodalu eion of Eat Godavri district.In 1975 when the U.C.C.R.I.(M.L) was formed he was appointed secretary of the A.P.Sttae Commiteee.Due to the Hyderbad Conspiracy case and the Paravitura Conspiracy case foisted by the govt.,Comrade Ramalingachari languished in prison for 3 years. He gave a statement I the Hyderabad Additional Sessions court in December 1971.This reflected the conditions of the Girijans, an expose the ruling classes. He wrote a famous document titled, ;Leadership’s criticism regarding the resolution of the regional committee in 1970-1972,a document useful till today. In the time of emergency he went underground.

From 1977 due to the inner differences within the U.C.C.R I he left the organization .However he continued his tenacious work from 1978-1987 leading the Andhra Pradesh Communist Revolutionaries Organising Committee (A.P.C.R.O.C.).Like a soldier he fought against right and left deviations, resembling a mountaineer encountering the steepest of cliffs or a captain steering a ship in the worst of storms./He brought out literature like ‘Naxalism dose not mean individual annihilation,It I s not Marxism to oppose Naxalism in the name of Individual Annihilation,’Problems of unification and organizational tasks being faced by Communist Revolutionaries etc.

In 1988 his group joined the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India .He now became a member of he Central Committee In 1995 he continued serving the movement as an associate member of he Central Committee of the newly formed Communist Party Re-Organization Centre of India(Marxist Leninist) or C.P.R.C.I.(M.L).

Until the end of his life he strived to consolidate the erstwhile Srikakulam Movement. He did is utmost to help the political-organizational development of these allIndia Organizations with his experiences and views formed from the course of revolutionary practice. The conditions where the Communist Revolutionaries were segregated as separate Organizations ,whatever be the leadership under which the people rallied in struggle on their economic,social and political problems. He responded to those struggling people with an ardent sense of revolutionary responsibility, by giving necessary suggestions and taking prompt Steps.

He made the necessary political efforts to analyse those people’s problems in the light of the revolutionary mass line and help those struggling masses to advance into revolutionary practice in such a way that they could repel the ruling classes exploitation and atrocities and confront he state machinery. When critically pointing out the weaknesses and defects he silmuntaneously motivated and mobilized those organization forces into action to build solidarity to those Struggles. He wrote a booklet titled, “Political Situation of Vizianagaram –Srikakulam Districts and he Necessity of the Communist Revolutionary Political Force,’,the magazine Diksuchi and various otrher leaflets.He exhibited the heart of a poet or musician combined with the meticulousness of a professor writing a thesis or a surgeon performing an operation.

He consistently waged a battle against wrong trends. Till his last breath he helped the inner organisational forces as well as forces outside the organisation to establish the correct communist revolutionary practice of moulding people into a revolutionary political force that could repulse he attacks of he state machinery and the ruling classses.

Till he end of his life he was confident of the growing potential for renewal and unification of he India Communist Revolutionary Movement through better grasp of Marxsim-Leninism andMao Tse Tung Thought.I rrespective of he ebb and flow of the revolutionary movement in any pat of the country ,he always banked on the inexhaustible revolutionary urge and talent of the oppressed masses of Indian people. He had a solid political orientation of pursuing the mass line with its revolutionary content. In every move he emphasized grasping the role of the state and the role of revolutionary practice of the concerned masses of people.


Comrade Nimmala Krishnamurthy.

Born in 1931-32 ,inan interior agency area in Srikakulam.At theage of 25 joined the Girijan Sangham founded by Comrdae Vempatu Satyam and Adibhatala Kailasam.In 1960 joined he Communist Party of India.When the first spilt took place he joined the C.P.M.Soon he was friustrated with it’s revisionist policies and he joined the ranks of the Communist revolutionaries.He was an active participant in the various struggles led by the Girijan Sangham on issues such as higher salaries for farm servants,abolition of bonded labour,higher wages for agricultura llabour etc.He faced the repression unleashed by landlords andt he state often .After the Srikakulam Movement began on 11th November 1968 he emerged as affront rank fighter .He played a prominent role in the first peoples armed action for the confiscation of properties of the landlords in Pedagottili.

After the Srikakulam Girijan movement got intensified he went underground and was a member of the party organisation’s agency committee. He was in charge of the medical wing. When the Girijan movement met a setback and he armed squads were demoralized ,he was arrested in 1972.


He was kept I the Vishakapatnam Cental jail during he trial pf the Parvathipuram Conspiracy case.I 1975 he was released after the cases against him were dismissed. From 1975 he tried to re-organise the Girijan Sangham and now joined the U.C.C.R.I.(M.L).He took a principled stand against wrong tendencies .In 1988 he served as a membr of the CCRI ,then AND THEN then from 1995 the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L),into which the C.C.R.I merged.


Throughout this period he exhibited relentless endurance ,not losing heart in the greatest of difficulties ,exhibiting the tenacity of Comrades in the Vietnam War ,the Great Patriotic War Etc. He made great efforts in re-organisaing he Srikakulam peasant Moverment and building he party Organization in he area. Like a true crusader. Unfortunately as a result of ill heath he died on 24t June 1996.




Comrade Zora Singh Jalajan

Member of the C.P.R.C.I.M.L As a result of his prolonged struggle with cancer this great comrade passed away. He was only 33 years old when he passed away. During the twin resistance against state and Khalistani terrorism he played a significant role in the democratic revolutionary movement.In his youth he became a member of Punjab Students Union. His communist revolutionary personality was shaped in the mist of sharp class struggle and ideological struggle during the tears of reactionary terrorism in Punjab. Comrade Zora ,because of his ability to understand the political line correctly identified himself with the correct revolutionary trend After the Sewewala massacre carried out by the Khalistani fascist terrorists in April 1991,he formally joined the professional communist revolutionary organisation,.It was a brave decision in the face of a hail of bullets.It sharpened and steeled his spirits.His life-long persistence as a professional revolutionary proved that it was not a momentary response at an emotional level.

Secondly,at that time there was a great demand for professional revolutionaries and there was slow progress in this matter.Comrade Zora was one of the few who could undertake this challenge.Thirdly,he proved his ultimate conviction in the ultimate triumph of the communist revolutionary cause. At that time the regimes were toppled in U.S.S.R and Eastern Europe and people were ridiculing communism. By devoting his life to the correct communist revolutionary trend comrade Zora gave a reply to the pessimism in the communist revolutionary camp.

He always maintained the party discipline and always implemented the policies of the party He was appointed as a member of the armed political party team after the Sewewala massacre. He humbly accepted all the policies of the party, even if he was not convinced on certain issues. Quoting a revolutionary Journal, ‘The Comrade’, “The greatest human life ideal is conscious identification with the social life process striving towards Liberation of all shackles. The concrete realization of such liberation is to be achieved in Communist society, an era of unchained human social progress free of all exploitation, oppression and discrimination. With the imprints of life-activity on social life, a professional revolutionary becomes an integral part of the ongoing life -stream, and attains a life beyond his own existence. A revolutionary re-assimilates life's own energy for continuous progress.

Thus death never actually takes a revolutionary’s life. However, ultimate death is a loss because it leaves much of the individual life potential, created in hard ,collective labour,unrealized”. Ther would be no clone-like replacement in real social life. Ultimately cancer robbed comrade Jalajan of his life. He had showed great courage during his illness and showed great concern for real social life and always rejected individualistic values.He continuously conversed with comrades. A great homage meeting was held in his village paying homage to the great fighter. This was mainly organised by the youth who were given political education in accomplishing this task. A big mass meeting of youth was first held and a preparatory committee was formed.The youth distributed a leaflet .They also posted hand-written posters, Posted red banners, painted wall slogans in red letters, as well as went door-to-door and held mass meetings.1500 people participated in the homage meeting. Funds upto Rs.17,000 were collected for that task.

6.Appraisal of The C.P.R.C.I.(M.L)
I cannot still award the Communist Party Reorganisation Centre of India
(Marxist Leninist) or it’s earlier constituent organisations) with the title of upholder of the “proletarian mass line”.This is because although in their major mass struggles they have the correct concept of the relationship of the party and the mass organization(how a party must democratically function within mass organizations and not impose politics and implemented the mass line in certain struggles),they have still not developed a mass revolutionary military line in practice.No doubt their mass fronts have led struggles representing the mass line,but only on the launching of actual mass protracted revolutionary armed Struggle can the verdict be properly resolved whether an organsiation is truly upholding ‘the mass line.

In the author’s view the C.P.R.C.I(M.L) has to create a alternative revolutionary movement at an All India level to decisively claim it’s upholding the mass line’In it’s major states it has done commendable work in the preparatory stages but only when the final red Army is built as in China ,Nepal or Phillipines and Peoples War is launched implementing Mao’s line can the verdict be given.The most important criteria is at what stage can you define or uphold apeoples revolutionary movement as implementing the mass line.We may have to differentiate between the’ mass line’ and the ‘mass revolutionary approach.’Many of their mass organization struggles like in Punjab and particularly in Orissa in the agrarian revolutionary Front are creating the grounds for peasant’s eventual armed struggle or uprising or people.

However mass peasant revolutionary struggles have not been led which could lead to the formation of a peoples Guerilla Army. This was the stage at which mass armed struggle was built up in Telanagana and for a short period in Srikakulam and Naxalbari.(before left adventurism came in. In the author’s opinion the organisation in certain states has made major inroads and is basically correct in it’s view on elections(opposes active boycott and participation as a legal form of struggle) and that the launching of armed struggle is premature.in the majority of areas.It is also correct that in Punjab and Orissa it is still premature to carry out armed struggle. The correct preparatory mass line application is a necessary perquisite for launching a revolutionary armed struggle .

The armed struggle must be linked to the agarian revolutionary struggle and based on it. A mass revolutionary peasant uprising may not have taken place but there have been demonstrations of peasants in Orissa and Punjab defending their rights or offering mass resistance against enemy forces carrying traditional armed weapons..The party election programmes in 1998 and 1999 were striking examples of creating a base for a mass revolutionary political movement,particularly the peasantry.Significantly teams of workers headed the propaganda campaignsOne other significant trend is the self –defence and aggression displayed by the Punjab peasantry in asserting their right to stage conferences or mass protests.In Jethuke by the landed peasantry in 2000, in Chandigarh by the landed peasantry and in Balahr Vinju in 1994 by landless peasants the peasantry displayed heroic defiance against the police forces who attempted to thwart their efforts to organize..One significant factor as though democratic revolutionary struggles have been launched by the peasantry in Punjab,a stage has not yet been reached when land re-distribution seizures are taking place or land re-distributed. )

In Orissa however peasant seizures of captured land have already started taking place and laying base foe armed peasnt struggle. Mao advanced the theory of inseperable link between the agrarian revolution and the guerilla war to establish base areas.A thorough going agrarian revolution which includes the distributoin of landlords land to the poor peasants and agricultural labourers,to develop and consolidate base areas –Mao implemented such a programme,in the period of agrarian revolutionary war.The Red army led by the C.P.C implemented it.

However the most important historical question is that if one studies the history of revolution no country has taken so long a period to develop revolutionary armed struggle In 1927 after the Nanchang Uprising. China launched it’s struggle only 9 years after formation of their their party(in 1921) and six years of preparatory stage.Columbia,Phillipines,Nepal , Peru,or our very own Telengana Armed Struggle may have taken longer time.(Even Peru launched it in 1980 after 16 years of party-re-organsation) but in a far shorter period accomplished the task.- than the prest Indian revolutionary movement has taken to do. The various splits and wrong trends in the period of Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India(Marxsit Leninist) from the 1970’s to mid –1980’s as well as the splits and inactivity of the Central Team of the C.P.I.M.L delayed the road.It is arguable that today there may have been areas in India where mass armed struggle could have been carried out in certain areas if the mass line was correctly implemented., particularly in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh which had strong revolutionary peasant movements.

In West Bengal it has been unable to develop an alternative revolutionary Movement on the problems of price rise, closure of factories, unemployment and most important, on the agrarian front.The author also feel that not enough emphasis has been given on seminars or creating mass political platforms to defend the ideology of ‘Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse Tung Thought.These would educate he broad masses on the achievements of revolutionary Socialism in Russia and China and other present armed Struggles.There is also hardly any noticeable internet presence ,unlike other major groups.

Theoretically,not enough light has been thrown on the ideological weaknesses in the eras of Stalin and Mao.The mass repressions in the Stalin era, the over chrastericsation of the personality cult of Comradae Mao Tse Tung by Lin Biao and the over emphasis placed on Soviet Social Imperialism by the Maoist C.C.P have been overlooked.

One major factor is that there has been no re-constituted Communist Party in India .In all countries discussed the official re-organisation of the party had been accomplished. Should all the organizations have merged into Charu Mazumdar’s C.P.I.(M.L) in 1969?In the re-organization phase should so may groups have split and should they not have united intoa single body within which differences could be resolved? The answer is that the Indian revolutionary Movement is so complex that even groups with similar lines had to adopt different methods of practice in different regions of India.The best example is that of how long the M.C C merged with the C.P.I.M.L Peoples War(One worked in Andra Pradesh,the other in Bihar) or Party Unity Group.There is so much difference between Punjab and Bihar or Andhra Pradesh and Kerala Etc.Within all sections of trends so many spits have taken pace .In recent years the relative polarization has been postive.

In China,Nepal,Peru,or Phillipines 2 line struggle took place within the same party.It is of historical note that in the pre1935 period from the start of the armed struggle the Chinese Communist Party was divided into several factions.Comrade Mao Tse Tung’s line was accepted only in the Tsunyi Conference in 1935 where Wang Mings left oppurtunist and Chang Kuo Ta’s right capitulationst line was defeated.Li Li San’s urban putchist uprisings ,negelecting the peasantry were exposed where the Russian line was imitated toto.Earlier in 1927 Mao also opposed the party central line after the Nanchang uprising which advocated putschist uprsings divorced from the peasantry ,and which defeated the party led movement for a temporary period.(Mao then withdrew to the mountains pursuing his line)Still,the author belives that in India it is impossible to develop the correct line within a single body,considering the differences.In no country ever has so many revolutionary groups existed.The mass line struggle would not have developed if every group merged into what was the C.P.I.M.L.Peoples War or what is now the C.P.I.Maoist.True certain polarizations could have taken place earlier.We have to analsye that can a revolutionary mass line be warded to a single organsiation before the re-organisation of a proletarian party.

One major historical contrast with the revolutionary Struggle in China was even when there were deviations of the right and left variety there was a mass armed agrarian revolutionary Struggle and Peoples protracted War,which set the base for the Long March.In India though armed struggle is being waged it does not principally represent the mass line and thus it is virtually impossible to imitate the Chinese Situation and work within a single party ,even with different factions.

All this does not deny that the formation of the Communist Party Re-Organisation Center of India(M.L)is of historical significance towards the building of the mass revolutionary line and since it’s formation it’s work plus that of the earlier constituent organsiations will have a permanent place in ‘striving for the correctlmass line’ in the Communist Movement.)


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